China Spring—A Home for Exiles
With the gunfire of the June Fourth crackdown, many participants in the ’89 Democracy Movement began their careers as political exiles. Some fled to France, some to the UK, some to Australia and Canada, but even more fled to the United States. Civil Alliance organizations spread all over the world often become their first refuge, especially the headquarters of the China Democratic League in New York and ‘China Spring,’ which are the most frequent receptions and the most trusted and warmest home for exiles.
Yu Dahai, chairman of the China Democratic Federation, once issued instructions to headquarters staff and branches and branches around the world: for anyone who fled from mainland China, as long as they find the Democratic League, it must warmly receive them. Not only should they strengthen political care, but also in daily life, they should do their utmost to help them establish themselves in foreign lands.
When it comes to helping with daily life, the work becomes very trivial and complicated. The most capable in this regard is Xue Wei, Director of the Headquarters Office and Manager of ‘China Spring.’ Whenever a new exile arrived, he was busy arranging things like renting a house, finding a job, even giving away clothes and bedding, guiding shopping, and driving cars.
Theeditorial team of “China Spring” seized the opportunity to conduct exclusive interviews with representative exiled individuals. On one hand, they used media to promote and recognize their contributions to the democracy movement; on the other, they summarized their experiences and lessons through their personal experiences and feelings.
Li Lin and Li Zhi are two brothers. During the 1989 democracy movement, Li Lin was the initiator of the Hengyang Workers’ Self-Government Association in Hunan Province, while Li Zhi mobilized citywide singers to perform on the streets in Changsha, encouraging over 200,000 demonstrators. After June 4th, they fled to Hong Kong and obtained legal residency. In February 1991, they received news that their mother was seriously ill and learned that CCP General Secretary Jiang Zemin had just stated that pro-democracy activists returning to the mainland would not be held accountable, so they returned to the mainland to visit the Canadians. Li Zhi, who had gone ahead, returned home without encountering any trouble. However, when Li Lin also returned to Hunan, the CCP authorities arrested both men on counterrevolutionary charges. Amid numerous demands from various people, including former U.S. President Carter, the CCP had no choice but to release them. The two brothers returned to Hong Kong in July, and later moved to New York, USA. To this end, the editorial department of “China Spring” interviewed them and wrote a report titled “Li Lin and Li Zhi: Surviving Two Lives in the Tiger’s Den,” published in issue 103. Through their thrilling experiences, they have delivered a powerful denunciation of the CCP’s authoritarianism and terror. At the end of the interview, Li Lin wrote: “We share our experiences with everyone, first hoping that overseas friends will learn from our lessons and not easily trust any promises made by the CCP.” Claims like not holding anyone accountable or settling scores after the end are all lies and nonsense. The CCP uses these sweet words to lure overseas pro-democracy activists, so don’t fall for them. Secondly, our experience also shows that overseas solidarity is extremely important and highly effective for those persecuted at home. If we hadn’t had help from overseas friends this time, we wouldn’t have been able to escape the jaws of danger. Here, I would like to take this opportunity to sincerely thank the friends overseas who have helped us. ”
In November 1991, Yuan Qinghai, the 67kg boxing champion of both 1990 and 1991, former captain of the national boxing team, and captain of the armed police, took advantage of the sixth World Amateur Boxing Championships held in Australia to find the Sydney branch of the China Democratic League. With the help of the Sydney branch, he fled to seek political asylum from the Australian government. China Spring promptly published a report about him. During the ’89 Democracy Movement, Yuan Qinghai was studying at Beijing Sport University, and he took to the streets with students from the institute. After June Fourth, Beijing launched a ‘everyone can pass the checkpoint’ policy, and he was implicated as well. Because of this, he had become completely disillusioned with the CCP regime and decided to seek an opportunity to “go into exile.” He said, “Back in China, I already knew there was an organization called the China Democratic Alliance overseas, so as soon as I arrived in Sydney, I immediately tried to find it. Fortunately, the democracy movement in Sydney was quite active, and I found it smoothly. I sincerely thank Zheng Yu, director of the Sydney branch of the Democratic Alliance. As soon as he received my request for help, he immediately rushed to contact me, warmly welcomed me to freedom, and made detailed arrangements. Late at night on November 22, Zheng Yu and Democratic League cadre Chang Chao drove to the reserved location to wait for me. Under the cover of darkness, I managed to escape safely. The next day, they introduced me to join the China Democratic League. Today, I finally set foot on this land of freedom and breathe the air of freedom. ”
In July 1992, Liu Qing, one of the key leaders of the Beijing Democracy Wall movement during 1977–1978, arrived in New York, USA. Liu Qing once served as editor-in-chief of the private magazine ‘Siwu Forum’ and was elected convener of the Beijing Joint Conference of Folk Publications. After Wei Jingsheng was arrested in the spring of 1987, Liu Qing took the risk of printing his defense statement. When the CCP authorities pursued the matter, Liu Qing stepped forward and expressed willingness to take full responsibility. He was sentenced to ten years in prison for this and was released in 1989. He was then detained for another six months. When China Spring was founded in 1982, Liu Qing was named its first honorary editor. As a key leader of China’s democracy movement, Liu Qing was interviewed by a reporter from China Spring. In an interview titled “Liu Qing: Tan Sitong of the Democracy Wall,” Liu Qing shared profound memories and summaries of the Democracy Wall, and discussed his ten-year reflections on facing the wall while imprisoned. He said, “What I think more about are the lessons from the Democracy Wall movement. I think we can do better. China’s problems cannot be solved all at once; we can only proceed step by step. Our people are weak individuals; running fast causes dizziness and exhaustion. When talking about overseas pro-democracy movements, Liu Qing said, “The impact on the mainland may not be felt by you abroad.” But on the mainland, every move overseas influences and encourages them. A piece of news arrived, and people spread the word. The question is how to combine overseas pro-democracy movements with those in mainland China. ”
In June 1992, Xiong Yan, one of the student leaders publicly wanted by the CCP after June 4th and a member of the Beijing “Gaozilian Standing Committee,” finally escaped to the United States after one year and seven months of CCP detention. In an interview with ‘China Spring,’ he said: “Although the Communist Party has temporarily stabilized the situation, the price of June Fourth was the loss of public support. Now everyone is criticizing the Communist Party, and even the police don’t dare speak well of the Communist Party openly. They can only emphasize ‘stability’—that’s just my personal experience. In the past, being a ‘counterrevolutionary’ was like being a thief, but now it seems being a ‘counterrevolutionary’ has become quite honorable.” Speaking about overseas pro-democracy movements, Xiong Yan said, “On the mainland, we pay close attention to overseas pro-democracy movements.” Most of the news was heard through foreign radio stations, with some rumors spreading by word of mouth…… The biggest issue now is how to connect with the mainland’s pro-democracy movement. ”
In September 1992, during the ’89 Democratic Movement,’ Han Dongfang, leader of the ‘Beijing Federation of Workers’ and Self-Workers,’ arrived in Hong Kong. Half a month later, he was interviewed in New York by a reporter from China Spring. Han Dong shared in detail with reporters his in-depth reflections on mainland China during his time in prison. He said, “I still believe the principles of ‘peace, reason, and nonviolence’ are correct.” …… I never hide my opposition to the current government, but I believe it must be replaced through legal procedures. This process is certainly quite lengthy, and the first task is to convince the Chinese people that legal procedures can achieve this. I have always believed that China’s future lies in social reconciliation. Revolution and violence can sometimes be quick to solve problems, but they ultimately cannot solve problems. Because it creates hatred among people, vengeance and revenge, and society will never have peace. Han Dongfang also talked about his plan to form a free trade union. He said, “Now, the possibility of free unions emerging in China does not exist…… Therefore, free trade unions in China are primarily a matter of fighting for the right to exist. ”
At the end of 1992, Zhang Shimin, director of the Shanghai branch of the China Writers Association, came to the United States. Not only was he a participant in the ’89 Democracy Movement, having supported student movements in Shanghai as a writer, but he was also a ‘criminal’ who ‘used writings to carry crime.’ In 1988, Zhang Shimin wrote a novel titled ‘Cross of Honor,’ a purely fictional work reflecting the spiritual decline of model workers, but it was criticized. A “model worker” took the blame for the novel, claiming he was the main character in the novel, and filed a lawsuit in court for “defamation.” This case caused a sensation. Before June 4th, the Xuhui District Court in Shanghai ruled that the case could not be legally established. But the June Fourth incident changed Zhang Shimin’s fate. Because Zhang Shimin participated in the democratic movement, and Deng Liqun stirred up trouble behind the scenes, the matter escalated to Jiang Zemin, who even issued an order to “protect model workers and deal with them seriously.” Because when the “wind direction” shifts from above, the lower ranks change accordingly. First, the Shanghai People’s Congress Legal Affairs Committee intervened violently in the Xuhui District Court, replacing case handlers and resetting the narrative. Later, the plaintiff cried at the Model Worker Conference held in Beijing, where the chairman of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions personally stated: “I heard someone used the novel to slander you, but we absolutely will not accept it.” Under these circumstances, the Xuhui District Court retried Zhang Shimin’s case of the “Cross of Honor” and found him guilty of defamation. Zhang Shimin was furious. He rushed out of the courtroom and shouted, “This is a disgrace in the history of Chinese law. History will declare me innocent!” After arriving in the United States, Zhang Shimin was received by ‘China Spring,’ where he wrote an article about the trial of ‘Cross of Honor,’ published in issue 116 of ‘China Spring.’
In issue 117 of “China Spring,” the program interviewed Zhou Duo and Zheng Yi, who had just arrived in the United States. Zhou Duo was one of the “Four Gentlemen” who went on a hunger strike at Tiananmen, Zheng Yi was one of the most active intellectuals during the “1989 pro-democracy movement,” and he escaped to Hong Kong with the help of the Democratic League’s organization in mainland China. In an exclusive interview, Zhou Duo reflected on June Fourth from his own experience, saying: “June Fourth is a cancer growing on the head of the Communist Party.” If Deng Xiaoping hadn’t dealt with it during his lifetime, it would have erupted right after his death. …… It’s not hard to imagine that in the inevitable power struggles after Deng Xiaoping’s death, anyone with a bit of political acumen can see that playing the ‘June 4th’ and ‘democracy’ cards has countless benefits. Whoever plays these two cards will win the people’s hearts and become the winner in the political struggle. On the contrary, anyone who doesn’t play these two cards will lose badly. Zheng Yi focused on how he fled to the mainland after the “June Fourth” incident to escape persecution by the Chinese Communist authorities, during which he wrote “Red Monument” and “A Part of History,” and also analyzed the current situation in mainland China. He said, “I think it’s very good that Deng Xiaoping continues to pursue opening-up and reform.” Of course, I know exactly what his purpose is. I believe that without corresponding political reforms, contradictions will accumulate sharply and spiral out of control. …… The Communist bureaucrats’ greed has reached an extremely shameless level, and the common people have become very pragmatic, profiting from each other. But the gap was simply too great—how could ordinary people possibly profit from bureaucrats? I also believe that no matter how much China reforms and opens up, as long as totalitarianism does not change, all the suffering and catastrophic outcomes we endured in the past may be repeated. So I believe democracy is extremely important for China. Zheng Yi also stated that he will conduct research on China’s pro-democracy movement.
Even more noteworthy is that in September 1992, ten political exiles—Xue Wei, Yang Wei, Gao Xin, Li Lin, Xiong Yan, Liu Qing, Ni Yuxian, Wang Shengbi, Qi Tinghua, and Yao Yongzhan—gathered in the editorial office of “China Spring” to comment on the CCP’s recently released white paper on “reforming criminals” based on their personal experiences. They were all people who held different political views from the CCP and had served time in CCP prisons during various historical periods. Looking back on the bars, they felt both endless sorrow and deep emotion. Hu Ping, the lead writer of “China Spring,” wrote in an article: “What is the real truth about the more than forty years of prisons in mainland China?” It seems the only option is for the Chinese authorities to lift the Iron Curtain a little, let the light shine through, and allow the international community to truly understand the face of contemporary Chinese prisons. In this regard, a white paper is far from enough. This symposium exposed the false ‘white paper’ on the CCP’s reform of criminals, which has had a positive impact both on the mainland and abroad.
The world’s public trial
At the end of January 1992, after the June Fourth massacre, Chinese Premier Li Peng, whose hands were stained with the blood of the Chinese people, came to the United States to attend the United Nations Security Council summit. Upon receiving this news, the headquarters of the China Democratic League was the first to propose a protest at the United Nations square and quickly joined in joint operations with fellow pro-democracy groups.
On January 31, thousands of Chinese gathered in front of the United Nations building at Hamassau Square to protest, angrily protesting the June 4th butcher Li Peng’s visit to the UN Security Council summit. The Chinese community in the U.S., angered by Li Peng’s visit, including the Democratic Alliance and other pro-democracy groups, and overseas Chinese communities have long negotiated and united in pace to jointly organize demonstrations against Li Peng, as well as the Security Council’s invitation to Li Peng and the private meeting between Bush and Li Peng.
At the protest site that day, a trial stand for Li Peng’s public trial was set up early in the morning, and a model of a CCP tank was even erected. Nine large televisions were broadcasting footage of June 4th, recreating scenes of blood and fire. People marched around the venue holding large photos of arrested pro-democracy activists such as Wang Juntao, Chen Ziming, Wei Jingsheng, Xu Wenli, and Wang Dan, along with various slogans and flags, chanting slogans like “Down with Li Peng” and “Public Trial of Li Peng.”
That morning, Chairman Yu Dahai, together with Chai Ling, Li Lu, Zhao Haiqing, and others, held a large-scale press conference to remind all sectors in the United States to pay attention to the visit of the June 4th killers.
Starting at 1 p.m., several prominent pro-democracy activists and leaders of major pro-democracy organizations delivered speeches at the United Nations Square. Liu Binyan pointed out: “The various crises in mainland China that led to the 1989 pro-democracy movement have not only been unresolved but have actually worsened. The Chinese people are waiting for the right moment.” A free and democratic China is not far off. Yan Jiaqi said: “This century, the Chinese people suffered two massacres: one was the Nanjing Massacre by the Japanese invaders, and the other was the June Fourth Massacre under the Li Peng government.” Today, we are here to publicly try Li Peng. In the near future, we will move the trial stand to Beijing and let the Chinese people publicly try those executioners of the June Fourth massacre. “Wang Bingzhang, representative of the Liberal Democratic Party, called on people to prepare for revolution and to overthrow the CCP’s dictatorship in one stroke in the next event similar to June 4th.” Zhao Haiqing, chairman of the Self-Studying, pointed out that the UN Security Council’s invitation to Li Peng and President Bush’s private meeting with him were mistakes, as this could have allowed Li Peng to return to Beijing as a victor, thereby strengthening the influence of the CCP hardliners. We demand that the Security Council pass a resolution condemning the CCP regime to send the Chinese people the correct message: the world has not forgotten June 4th. In his speech, Yu Dahai said: Li Peng, who came to the United Nations today, is a disgrace to our Chinese nation. Li Peng and his accomplices slaughtered hundreds or even thousands of innocent civilians, yet to this day have shown not the slightest sign of remorse. Li Peng is not a national leader with a legal foundation, but a cold-blooded killer who has not yet been judged by the people. Yu Dahai said, “We remind all countries around the world that the CCP regime is the most powerful remnant of communism in today’s world, and an obstacle and hidden danger to world peace.” We call on countries around the world to continue inquiring into the human rights situation in mainland China and actively support the Chinese people’s struggle for freedom and democracy. Other speakers at the venue included: Wu Jinxiang, Chairman of the Hong Kong Chinese Association; Chinese-American writer Bao Baiyi; Ding Yuan, representative of the Silicon Valley Chinese Democratic Promotion Association; Fu Lida, representative of the New York City Council Chinatown district; Zhu Jiaming, Chairman of the Civil Human Rights Front; and Marcel, Chairman of the China Committee of the Federation of Labor Unions–Industry Federations, among others.
Subsequently, the Human Rights Tribunal held a public trial for Li Peng. Judge Xiang Xiaoji, former head of the Beijing University Dialogue Group and a graduate student at Columbia University’s Law Department, presided over to announce the opening. The goddess of democracy in white robes (played by Li Juan, an Australian council member of the Civil Human Rights Front) represented the victims of the June 4th incident and their families to sue Li Peng for the heinous crimes of ordering martial law and massacring Beijing students and citizens. After the defendant’s lawyer defended the absent defendant Li Peng, four witnesses took the stage one after another, using firsthand and witnessed facts to accuse Li Peng’s regime of massacring the Chinese people and the CCP’s persecution of political prisoners and their families. The four witnesses were Li Lanju, Chai Ling, Bai Meng, and Yao Yongzhan, who were all present in Beijing during the June Fourth incident. The jury was composed of Chinese and American figures present. Amidst a wave of “guilt,” the judge declared Li Peng guilty and called on the Security Council to expel him. He also announced that further investigation into Li Peng’s crimes would be conducted.
This protest wasvibrantly organized, demonstrating the strength of pro-democracy organizations and overseas Chinese.
Triggered by the protests against Li Peng, overseas pro-democracy organizations launched a new wave of protests against the CCP. On February 9, 1992, more than 3,000 Chinese students and various overseas Chinese groups in Australia, under the unified coordination of the Civil Human Rights League and Civil Human Rights Front, held large-scale demonstrations titled “All Chinese in Australia for Human Rights” in major cities such as Canberra, Sydney, Melbourne, and Adelaide. This rally was mainly aimed at CCP Vice Premier Zhu Rongji’s visit to Australia. Demonstrators demanded that the CCP release all detained pro-democracy activists, and at the rally, the Democratic Alliance and Front distributed an open letter addressed to Zhu Rongji. The letter expressed the love and concern of overseas pro-democracy activists for their homeland, refuted the distorted interpretations of human rights in the white paper released by the Chinese government on the “Human Rights Situation in China,” and listed various existing crimes of human rights suppression.
In April 1992, CCP General Secretary Jiang Zemin visited Japan and was met with a series of protests organized by students studying in Japan, including the Japan branch of the Democratic League. On the 7th, at a speech hosted by Jiang Zemin, international students Hong Jianbing, Wang Xihao, Che Xianping, and others stepped forward, demanding that Jiang Zemin take responsibility for the June Fourth massacre, and loudly chanted slogans such as “End one-party rule” and “Long live democracy.” Their actions embarrass the CCP authoritarians and give those pursuing democracy and freedom a sense of pride. Afterwards, the three international students held a press conference.
Thethird year of the June Fourth massacre has arrived. To commemorate this sorrowful day, the Democratic League, Democratic Front, Student Self-Defense League, Liberal Democratic Party, and many overseas Chinese organizations took unified action, launching large-scale commemorative events around the world. In Washington, D.C., the capital of the United States, people erected prison models at the venue. Zhang Yalai, an international student from Minnesota, accused that before June Fourth, he returned to China after completing his studies and served the country. Unexpectedly, not long after, he was shot through his shinbone in the June Fourth tragedy, and now wears a prosthetic limb. He called on the international community not to forget June 4th, to care for those imprisoned and disabled during the incident, and to provide humanitarian aid. In New York, groups such as the China Democratic League began a 24-hour hunger strike commemorative event in front of the Chinese Consulate on the evening of June 3, followed by a candlelight vigil on site. Chairman of the Democratic League Yu Dahai and others attended the memorial event. Remarkably, people from Cuba, Afghanistan, and other countries also came to give speeches supporting China’s democracy movement. At the most intense moments, more than twenty Cubans joined Chinese in shouting at the Chinese consulate: Shameful! Shameful! On May 31st, in Los Angeles, the Democratic Alliance and the Civil Human Rights Front branch jointly held the “June 4th Democracy Marathon.” Participants included not only activists but also students, overseas Chinese, children, and even elderly gentlemen and elderly women. In Hong Kong, on May 31, nearly ten thousand Hong Kong citizens marched organized by the Hong Kong branch of the Hong Kong branch of the Hong Kong Alliance of Democratic Democratic Democrats, holding banners such as “Never Forget June 4th” and “Release the Democracy Activists Immediately,” chanting slogans along the way. When the march reached the entrance of Xinhua News Agency, people carried out a coffin to protest to the CCP and submitted a protest letter to Xinhua News Agency. On the evening of June 6, tens of thousands of citizens attended the candlelight memorial at Victoria Park. In Paris, on June 4th, dozens of Chinese and French cyclists marched through the city, led by Wan Runnan, Yan Jiaqi, and Wu’er Kaixi, protesting to the Chinese Embassy. That night, the famous singer Teresa Teng joined the parade and sang “Blood-Stained Elegance” with everyone, declaring with grief and indignation: “We will never bow to tyranny and never compromise!” The angry outcry of the Chinese people who never forget June 4th has shaken the entire world.
TheJune 4th protests made visiting CCP officials like rats crossing the street, panicked amid the crowd’s shouts of protest. On June 1st, the headquarters of the China Democratic League received news that Premier Li Peng was going to Brazil for a meeting and would stay in Hawaii on June 9, and immediately called the Democratic League’s Hawaii branch. The branch immediately mobilized and decided to jointly mobilize strong protests from all sectors of the local community. Before Li Peng arrived, the Democratic League and the Civil Rights Front’s Hawaii branch called the Chinese General Chamber of Commerce, which had decided to host Li Peng, condemning their handshake with the butcher; He also called the Hilton Hotel, opposing it for providing venues for Li Peng; At the same time, he called the governor of Hawaii and the mayor of Honolulu, opposing their attendance at the dinner hosted by Li Peng. Under the leadership of the Democratic Alliance, the Hawaii branch of the Civil Human Rights Front, and the overseas Chinese community, “welcome” Li Peng to complete all preparations. But on June 9th, they suddenly received news that Li Peng had decided not to come. According to officials from Xiawei, Li Peng apparently weighed the pros and cons and felt there was no need to embarrass himself. Li Peng, looking disheveled, thought of Hawaii but couldn’t get in, marking yet another victory for the democratic forces.
Thedemonstrations and protests mentioned above are only a small part of the entire demonstration movement. In fact, since the June 4th massacre, on its anniversary, the China Democratic League and other overseas pro-democracy groups or overseas Chinese associations have jointly held commemorative events to express anger at the CCP’s suppression of human rights and to express condolences for the fallen martyrs. In addition, the Democratic Alliance often holds demonstrations in front of Chinese embassies and consulates on symbolic days—such as the “National Day” of the founding of the CCP. □