The
Fifth Congress of the China Democratic League was held
The
Fifth Congress of the China Democratic League was held from June 1 to June 3, 1991, in Toronto, Canada. A total of sixty-nine official delegates and more than fifty non-voting delegates attended the meeting.
Early June in Toronto is pleasant with gentle breezes and sunshine, making it a great season for travel. Unfortunately, due to visa issues and financial reasons, nearly one-third of the official delegates and many invited guests were unable to attend. Since the Democratic League had just overcome a financial crisis, this congress stipulated that official delegates and guests should, in principle, cover their own travel expenses. Although this rule prevented some financially strained delegates from attending, on the other hand, it created a frugal and frugal atmosphere for overseas democracy movements. Most North American delegates who attended the conference drove to Toronto, and after dozens of hours of travel, they fully demonstrated their commitment to the NLD and their concern for the democratic movement. It is also worth mentioning that the overseas Chinese in Toronto gave their full support to this event, actively donating money to fulfill their role as hosts and ensuring food and accommodation for the representatives.
On June 1, the opening ceremony of the 5th Congress of the China Democratic League was held in the rotunda of Toronto City Hall. Due to the large venue, the hundred attendees seemed sparse, but the entire meeting was orderly, with continuous applause from the guests. To welcome the conference held in Canada, many Canadian parliamentarians, as well as premiers and mayors, wrote congratulatory messages, and the Toronto diaspora community, the US-Canada Student Self-Reliance League, and many pro-democracy organizations also sent congratulatory letters. Wan Runnan, chairman of the Civil Human Rights Front; Wu Erkaixi, vice chairman; Lü Jinghua, head of the Federation of Trade Unions, and others all attended the meeting as guests. Wu’er Kaixi said he was here specifically to promote the union of the Democratic League and the Civil Rights Front, and he hopes everyone can discuss this matter together like family. Wan Runnan also said he hopes not to miss the opportunity to unite the democratic movement. In her speech, Lü Jinghua pointed out that pro-democracy organizations should advocate the spirit of telling the truth and doing practical work. She urged people not to always focus on celebrities, but to pay more attention to the thoughts of ordinary people. Ms. Harper, the legal counsel for the NLD, a lawyer from Los Angeles, also humorously remarked: An American discussing Chinese human rights on Canadian soil itself shows that human rights issues transcend borders.
That afternoon, there was a rally and demonstration commemorating the second anniversary of June 4th in Toronto. The Democratic Alliance’s Fifth Congress was held here, further boosting the momentum of their commemorative activities. Participants in the ’89 Democratic Movement such as Wu’erkaixi gave speeches at the protest site, immersing people in the scene and returning to those tragic days of bloodshed and storms. Wu’erkaixi spoke passionately, fainting from the intensity of his emotions, pushing people’s anger to a peak.
In the evening, the Toronto overseas Chinese community held a grand banquet to welcome the Democratic League’s “Five Congresses.” At this public event, the Democratic League chairman candidates and their campaign teams took the opportunity to launch a unique and lively campaign campaign.
At the banquet, at first, someone handed over a note asking the chairman candidate to come on stage and sing. This move perfectly aligns with the intention of the vice-chairman candidates. Fang Nengda had not been in the League for Democracy for long and had a weak foundation; many members were not very familiar with him. But he had a great voice, and in situations like this, he could handle it with ease. So he first took the stage, sang a Russian song, and also showcased his linguistic genius to the delegates. After the performance, he indeed raised his “reputation” among the delegates. Another vice chairman candidate, Wu Fan, refused to back down. Unable to hold back, he and his wife danced a disco together. Wu Fan and his wife are both veteran members of the Democratic League. They met at a dance party at the Democratic League branch. The Democratic League is their matchmaker, and dancing is their red thread. Unexpectedly, this red thread came in handy again today during the presidential election. The audience was clearly dissatisfied with the deputy candidate’s performance and began shouting the campaign leader. Yu Dahai, a candidate for chairman, was not skilled in singing and dancing. Seeing he was at a dead end, a key figure suddenly emerged from the campaign team to “protect the emperor”—Xue Wei, former director of the Control Commission. Xue Wei also took the stage to sing a Russian song, which could rival the success of Hefang Nengda. Then, the opposing camp also introduced Su Yang, whose powerful song won widespread applause. Afterwards, Yu Dahai sang “Ode to the Chinese Nation.” Another presidential candidate, Wang Min, lacking acting skills, quickly came up with a quick idea and asked his wife to “take over.” His wife’s singing drew thunderous applause from the audience. A lively and lively performance event that made all the candidates for chairman and vice chairman “make their appearances.” This unique method of election support was a first for the Democratic League.
Onthe mornings of June 2nd and June 3rd, the main focus was summarizing work and amending the charter. Huang Ben, Vice Chairman of the Fourth Term of the Democratic League, delivered the “Headquarters Work Report” on behalf of the headquarters. He said that after the Fourth Congress, the work of the Democratic Alliance can be divided into three areas and twelve events. First, let’s talk about the mainland. Overseas pro-democracy movements must face the mainland, which is also the most important and challenging task for overseas pro-democracy movements. In this regard, the Democratic Alliance has done four things: (1) Persistently sending China Spring magazine and other information materials to the mainland through various means. Currently, about eight to nine hundred copies of “China Spring” magazine are sent to the mainland each month, and the “Overseas Newsletter” (an irregular loose-leaf edition compiled by the China Democratic Federation) is sent out exceeding one thousand copies. At the same time, the Democratic Alliance also uses communication tools from other countries, regions, or groups to convey its message to the domestic population. (2) Propose practical and feasible activity plans and ideas according to local conditions, coordinate internally and externally, and promote various forms of democratic movements within the mainland. For example, mobilizing mainland citizens to record the upheaval, attacking and dividing authoritarian rulers and their accomplices; Mobilize the public to provide spiritual and material care and assistance to political victims and their families. On the eve of the April Fifth Day, June Fourth, and the Asian Games, he successively proposed activity plans such as “Walking in Tiananmen Square,” “White Clothes Action,” and “Go to the Asian Games.” (3) Breaking information blockades, not only bringing in external information but also bringing out internal information. Over the past two years, China Spring has published numerous factual reports on serious human rights violations within the mainland, published declarations from domestic underground pro-democracy organizations and articles in underground movement publications, published heroic struggles by arrested activists inside and outside the courtroom, published interview records with people from all walks of life, including cadres, soldiers, workers, farmers, citizens, intellectuals, and students, and published important articles by prominent pro-democracy activists and scholars still in China. At the same time, these published materials were sent back to the mainland. (4) Since the autumn of the year before last, the Democratic Alliance has begun providing spiritual and material support to domestic pro-democracy activists and their families, mobilizing everyone to send New Year cards, letters of condolence, and donations from overseas citizens. Second, in terms of overseas work, the Democratic Alliance has also taken four actions: (1) Creating broad international pressure on the Chinese Communist Party. Over the past two years, the Democratic Alliance has systematically introduced the political and economic situation and the dynamics of the pro-democracy movement in mainland China to the international community through speeches, forums, gatherings, lobbying, and publication distribution. It has described the political persecution of mainland activists from the Democracy Wall movement to the “1989 Democratic Movement,” developed friendly relations with international human rights organizations and democratic governments, and especially after the great upheavals in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, promptly dispatched personnel to support and conduct interviews and inspections. At the same time, The NLD also sent representatives to attend the first international forum and set up its own liaison offices in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union. In the United States, the Democratic Alliance actively participates in and facilitates a series of mainland China-related bills proposed or passed by the U.S. government and Congress. (2) Strengthened publicity work. The Democratic League’s official publication, ‘China Spring,’ has seen significant quality improvements in the past two years and is recognized as one of the most influential Chinese political journals overseas, as well as one of the best publications on the democracy movement. In addition, members of the Democratic League in Australia have independently established the Australian edition of “China Spring,” and the Alliance headquarters periodically publishes English editions such as “Voice of Chinese Democracy” and “Overseas Newsletter.” (3) The Democratic League attached great importance to theoretical research. Since the Fourth Congress, the Democratic League has made remarkable and tangible progress in elaborating liberal democratic theory, exploring constitutional principles, analyzing the evolution of the current situation, deeply criticizing the totalitarian system, summarizing the experience of the mainland democratic movement, and formulating the basic strategy for the democracy movement. (4) After the June 4th incident, a large number of pro-democracy activists from China fled overseas. To properly receive and settle them, the Democratic League did much within its capacity. This includes making phone calls, replying to letters, airport and station transfers, arranging temporary accommodations, job placements and social connections, contacting schools, providing financial aid, and providing consulting services for those seeking political asylum. These tasks are not only persistently done by headquarters, but also by many grassroots organizations and members of the Democratic League. In these large, ordinary, and detailed activities, the high enthusiasm and dedication of the Democratic League members were demonstrated. Third, new progress has been made in organizational development, reflected in the following four points: (1) The level of participation in the Democratic Alliance has increased. First, the number of members has increased significantly; second, the level of active participation among members in various activities has increased. Now, the Democratic League has over 2,000 members, including a large number of active individuals who directly participated in the “1989 Democracy Movement.” (2) The internal rules and regulations of the Democratic Alliance were further improved, with written regulations becoming increasingly detailed, and generally necessary supervision and inspection were achieved. (3) The Democratic League has worked to promote the grand union of overseas democratic forces, strengthened friendly relations with Taiwan’s political and opposition parties, increased support for the Hong Kong people’s struggle to defend their freedom and rights and the Tibetan people’s resistance against tyranny, and enhanced mutual understanding and assistance with overseas Chinese associations. The NLD also pays great attention to mutual cooperation with other overseas pro-democracy groups or institutions. (4) Thanks to the unremitting efforts of the entire league, the image of the Democratic Alliance has significantly improved.
Next, Ding Chu, editor-in-chief of China Spring magazine, delivered the “Work Report of the Editorial Department of China Spring.”
Delegates also questioned the headquarters’ work. The entire questioning process was orderly and well-organized. The only fluctuation was when two alliance members suddenly appeared at the venue to offer opinions to headquarters and request representation. Their questions attracted great attention at the venue, and finally, the presidium decided to appoint them as official representatives.
Before the questioning, the fourth-term chairman Hu Ping proactively reported two transaction records to the representatives: one was the financial status of his private account, and the other was the statistics from his participation in various activities. During his four tenures as chairman, he proposed five mainland work plans, gave sixty-four media interviews, attended thirty-nine pro-democracy movement meetings, participated in eighteen academic seminars, gave sixty-two speeches, spent 243 days away from headquarters, and published nearly 500,000 words of pro-democracy articles. Although the delegates did not require Hu Ping to disclose their personal financial status, they all praised his approach and appreciated the extensive work he did during his term.
In recognition of Hu Ping’s contributions to the Democratic League, the fourth Supervisory Committee passed a resolution to commend the extensive work he has done.
The congress also passed a resolution on merging with the Civil Human Rights Front and a resolution on halting the split of the alliance party.
On the afternoon of June 3rd, the leadership election began.
There are three pairs of candidates for the chairperson and vice chairperson of this congress: Yu Dahai and Wu Fan, Wang Min and Fang Nengda, Li Guoyu and Jin Xiuhong.
Yu Dahai won by a margin of five votes.
In the elections for the Joint Committee and Supervisory Committee, some who had made significant contributions to the Democratic League stepped aside—Hu Ping, Huang Ben, Xue Wei, Ding Chu, Wu Fangcheng, and Qian Da—none of them accepted nominations from the representatives, giving their opportunities to newcomers. A group of fresh blood, especially newcomers like Wu Renhua and Yao Yongzhan, who had participated in the “1989 Democratic Movement,” joined the leadership core of the Democratic Federation.
Thelist of members of the fifth leadership body of the China Democratic Federation is as follows:
Chairman of the China Democratic Federation: Yu Dahai
Vice Chairman of the China Democratic Federation: Wu Fan
Xu Bangtai, Director of the China Democratic Federation Alliance Committee; Wang Min, Deputy Director; Alliance members: Wang Xiaofeng, Fang Nengda, Wu Renhua, Yao Yongzhan, Zheng Yu, Zong Jixiang, Zhang Wei, Yang Manke, Gao Gewen, Su Yang, Li Guoyu. Alternate members: Zhong Rui, Liang Hua, Feng Shengping.
Guo Ping, Director of the Supervisory Committee of the All-China Democratic Federation; Li Zhaoyang, Deputy Director; Supervisory Committee members: Zhong Jinjiang, Wang Jian, Feng Bin, Mo Fengjie, Li Gang; alternate members Ren Songlin and Jin Xiuhong.
Yu Dahai, male, born in 1961, 5th Chairman of the China Democratic League, grew up in Tianjin. He once won an award in a national mathematics competition and was admitted to the Department of Physics at Peking University without taking the entrance exam. In September 1981, he participated in the joint entrance exam for the Sino-American Physics Department graduate program hosted by Nobel laureate Mr. Tsung-Dao Lee. Out of more than 800 candidates, he ranked thirteenth in physics and ninth in English, earning admission. Accordingly, in the fall of 1982, he entered the University of Pennsylvania Graduate School in the United States to pursue a PhD in physics. In 1983, thanks to his excellent GRE and TOEFL scores and the strong recommendation of renowned American economics professor Zou Zhizhuang, he transferred to Princeton University to pursue a PhD in economics, serving as the first president of the Chinese Economics Association for Students Studying in the U.S., and was appointed as a special director of the “Beijing Youth Economic Society.” Starting in 1984, he made three return visits to the mainland, lecturing economic theories at institutions such as the Institute of Economic Reform and the Academy of Social Sciences, and the State Council Economic and Technological Research Center, and published several articles in mainland economic journals, participating in discussions on economic system reform.
Yu Dahai was already a participant in the democracy movement during the Democracy Wall period. In an article, he wrote: “I had only been in Beijing (studying) for a month, and the CCP had already redressed the ‘April 5th’ Tiananmen Square incident in 1976, and the Xidan Democracy Wall appeared accordingly.” I found it novel and often went to Xidan with some classmates to read big-character posters. During those days, the Xidan Wall was always packed to the brim. Several times, I encountered a parade in Tiananmen Square holding banners like ‘For Democracy, Freedom,’ ‘Against Hunger, Against Persecution.’ These scenes left a deep impression on me. “In 1980, he participated in a campaign organized by Peking University students and even compiled a campaign materials collection with classmates, naming it ‘Pioneering.’ The student movement at the end of 1986 and the ‘anti-bourgeois liberalization’ at the beginning of 1987 had a tremendous impact on him, and directly involved Mr. Fang Lizhi, whom he knew and understood. He was deeply outraged that the CCP could not accommodate intellectuals like Mr. Fang, so he and some friends initiated and organized a large-scale petition by overseas students to oppose the CCP’s anti-liberalization movement. This signature campaign caused a stir in mainland China. In the spring of 1988, after his last visit to the mainland, disappointed by reforms, he began publishing articles in ‘China Spring’ and joined the China Democratic League. When summarizing his personal journey, he wrote: “I have realized that to end the CCP’s one-party dictatorship and establish a democratic system in China, a strong and organized grassroots political force is essential.” “We have a long road ahead, but the cause of democracy is full of hope and worthy of our relentless efforts.”
As the Fifth National Congress was about to conclude, Yu Dahai delivered his inaugural speech as chairman, focusing on the issue of moral standards. He said, “There are many unhealthy practices in our pro-democracy movement team now.” Some people, in order to elevate themselves, often lie, boast, or boast about themselves. Some people easily form cliques, form factions, fight against factions, and use any means necessary to compete for power and profit, and become jealous. We must work hard to reverse this bad atmosphere. Many allies have expressed trust in my personal qualities, and I am very grateful for that. At the same time, I feel ashamed, because gold is never pure, and no one is perfect. Like everyone else, I have various moral flaws. Having problems is not scary. The key is that a person should constantly and consciously reflect on themselves and improve themselves. In my view, whoever can do this should be considered a person of faith. I believe all of us activists should be people with moral faith. When interacting with allies, moral beliefs are reflected in the eight words: ‘Be strict with yourself, be generous to others.’ He also said: “Currently, China’s democracy movement is in a low phase, which is a test for every one of us activists.” I believe our China Democratic Federation can withstand the test…… People are testing us, testing what materials we are made of. …… We ask for nothing else; our greatest wish is to be their loyal servants. Only then can our democracy movement have hope. ”
Reorganized headquarters and the editorial department of “China Spring.”
At the beginning of Yu Dahai and the new headquarters team, the first thing they did was improve the work of the headquarters and the editorial department of China Spring.
Around the time of the “Five Congresses,” the Democratic Alliance experienced a special situation: stable donations decreased by about 40%, and the reduced donations were barely enough to barely maintain the publication of one magazine called “China Spring.” Financial difficulties were the first major challenge faced by the headquarters team under Yu Dahai’s leadership.
Yu Dahai studied economics and, of course, was also an expert in financial management. Under his leadership, the following specific measures were taken from both the perspectives of increasing revenue and reducing expenses:
1. Revise the budget. At this stage, the Alliance’s monthly income was only about $23,000. After a joint decision by headquarters and the Joint Committee, 17,000 yuan was allocated to the magazine office, 1,000 yuan to the Joint Committee and Supervisory Committee, 3,000 yuan to the Hong Kong office (Hong Kong branch of the magazine), and the remainder to headquarters. This budget is extremely tight. This can be seen from comparisons with the monthly budgets previously approved by the Joint Committee. In January 1990, the Minlian’s monthly income was 48,000 yuan, of which 25,000 yuan was given to the magazine. In July 1990, the Minlian faced a financial crisis, but the monthly income was still 37,300 yuan, of which the magazine was 21,000 yuan. This shows that Yu Dahai’s tenure was the most financially tight period for the Democratic Alliance. Facing this situation, Yu Dahai wrote in a work report to the China Democratic Federation: “However, we are still confident that, under the premise of ensuring quality and quantity, we will publish and distribute the magazine on time, and accomplish a few things with the little money the headquarters has.” ”
2. Abolish the Washington headquarters office, merging the headquarters with the New York “China Spring” magazine office. At one point, for convenience in operations and lobbying, the NLD headquarters set up an office in Washington. After the donations were reduced, the new headquarters had to first consider closing the Washington headquarters office. Combining offices is an unavoidable solution. Because the Washington headquarters office handled many of the league’s administrative tasks and was responsible for publishing the influential English-language monthly “Voice of Democracy in China,” which had considerable influence in the U.S. Congress, and was also the headquarters for many key members of the NLD. Yu Dahai’s initial idea was to maintain it for a while, but since the donation situation had not significantly improved, merging offices became the only way out.
3. Reduce daily expenses. The expenses of the Democratic League headquarters and magazine office were kept extremely economical. For example, they have reduced phone bills, travel expenses, and manuscript fees. As for labor, efforts are made to avoid layoffs and make full use of people. The salary standards for Democratic League staff were set before the new leadership was formed. Even if they were supposed to receive annual raises to offset inflation, under the current financial situation, raising wages is no longer possible. This means that people working at the Democratic League actually receive less than they did two years ago.
In terms of open source, the new headquarters has also done a lot of work. They mainly sought new donations. Under the leadership of Yu Dahai and others, they established contact with the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) in the United States. Afterwards, NED came to review the financial management status of China Spring. The relevant staff from China Spring, together with accountants, presented the situation to NED. After NED’s recognition of the reliability of the magazine’s financial management, NED sent a contract for NED to provide funding to China Spring. Yu Dahai and NED President Gershman signed the contract, and in June 1992, China Spring They received the first funding of 45,000 yuan from NED. After receiving NED’s support for “China Spring,” the Financial Alliance improved to some extent. After the new headquarters took over, the Minlian paid off nearly 20,000 yuan in debt. In addition, we have strengthened connections and public relations efforts with past donation channels.
In summary, since taking office, the new headquarters has made accounts public, funds are managed properly, finances are clear, there are no arrears on wages or printing fees, the period for manuscript arrears has been shortened, and the financial situation has been reported to the Joint Committee once a month, building a positive image for the Federation’s financial reputation.
The new headquarters leadership also places great emphasis on improving the work of the editorial department and headquarters of “China Spring.” Yu Dahai believes that in today’s low tide of the democracy movement, China Spring magazine is undoubtedly crucial for the survival and development of the China Democratic Federation. In July 1991, the Democratic League held a joint committee meeting. After exchanging views with Yu Dahai and Vice Chairman Wu Fan, they drafted an operational plan for the magazine, further institutionalizing the editorial department’s work. At Yu Dahai’s suggestion, “China Spring” formed a new editorial board. Besides Yu Dahai as director, Hu Ping (chief writer of “China Spring”), Xue Wei (manager of “China Spring”), and Fang Zhou (executive editor of “China Spring” later resigned) were appointed as committee members. The editorial board also issued “work regulations,” holding weekly meetings to summarize the magazine’s strengths and weaknesses and to plan articles and covers for the next issue. The editorial office requires careful handling of every manuscript received, first conducted by the executive editor for preliminary review, then re-examined by the editorial board. For manuscripts with differing opinions, the decision to publish is decided by majority opinion after a meeting. The editorial board also made clear divisions of labor for editorial affairs: interviews and internal information collection were mainly handled by Ark or Ding Chu, commissioning by Yu Dahai was the main task, editorials and observer commentary were handled by Hu Ping, and daily affairs and magazine distribution were mainly handled by Xue Wei. To improve the quality of editing and editing “China Spring,” Yu Dahai made efforts in the following areas: (1) shortening the average length of articles to make arguments more substantial. (2) Expand the scope of contributors, use more foreign articles, minimize internal manuscripts, and enhance the sense of participation and cohesion among pro-democracy activists and international students. (3) In addition to the dynamics and theories of the democracy movement, research and discussion on political, economic, and social issues in mainland China have been added, providing high-quality references for the upcoming social transformation in mainland China. (4) Added an art corner to make the magazine more lively and engaging. (5) Adopt new typesetting technologies to continue improving layout quality and reduce typos. (6) Expand the magazine’s circulation.
For a period, Yu Dahai publicly recruited editor-in-chiefs from within the Democratic Alliance and society according to the Joint Committee’s resolution. Hu Ping, Ding Chu, Fang Zhou, Ya Yi, Hua Xiazi, Xing Min, Ni Yuxian, Wang Ce, and others all volunteered enthusiastically. However, since Yu Dahai’s nominations for Ark and Hu Ping were successively rejected by the Joint Committee, the recruitment of editor-in-chief was put on hold.
After the headquarters’ rectification of “China Spring” work, the quality of the magazine was further improved. Too many excellent articles made it hard for the editorial board to discard them. Therefore, after research, the magazine decided to increase the number of pages from the original 100 pages to 108 pages starting from issue 107. Starting from issue 103, the distribution officially entered Taiwan, with Lianjing Company, affiliated with United Daily News, assisting in distribution. At the same time, it established distribution stations in Thailand, further strengthening distribution efforts in North America, Hong Kong, Australia, Europe, and other regions. On this basis, the editorial department selected over two hundred representative articles from the ten years of publication of “China Spring” magazine, compiling a collection of over one million words into a “Selected Works of China Spring.” In January 1993, the writing team for “A Decade of the China Democratic League” was formed, and the book began serialization starting from issue 117 of “China Spring.”
A series of rectification measures have also been implemented in headquarters operations.
(1) Re-registration of members. In October 1991, after Yu Dahai’s nomination and approval by the Joint Committee, Yang Wei was appointed as an organizational officer of the Democratic League. After Yang Wei took office, he immediately presided over the re-registration of Democratic League members, further improving the management of members’ archives and materials, strengthening organizational connections with members, and enabling many members who had lost contact to return to the league.
(2) Correspondingly, it also promoted the work of various branches and branches. For example, while registering as a member, Yang Wei also did a lot of work for the restructuring of the New York branch. After the “King Recall Incident,” the New York branch’s organization suffered severe setbacks, and the Alliance suffered a serious loss of members. On November 3, 1991, taking advantage of the membership registration, more than forty new and old members of the Democratic League finally regrouped. Among them, nearly half had LDP backgrounds, and they shook hands to reconcile and resolve differences. A veteran member said that the New York branch had so many people attending meetings, something unprecedented since the branch was established. On that day, they held a reconstruction meeting and elected the branch’s leadership team. Subsequently, branches such as Boston and Washington were further improved through the efforts of Yang Wei and Yao Yongzhan through membership registration. Between August and September 1991, the headquarters again entrusted Yao Yongzhan to travel to Hong Kong and Macau to handle affairs of the Hong Kong branch and promote unity among members. Huang Liu, former manager of the book house of ‘China Spring’ and director of the Hong Kong branch of the China Democratic League, agreed to hand over the original distribution list for ‘China Spring’ in Hong Kong after meeting with Yao Yongzhan. At the same time, it also explored ways to expand the distribution of “China Spring” in Hong Kong.
Chairman Yu Dahai also personally participated in the organization’s rectification efforts. He visited Australia, Europe, Japan, Taiwan, Myanmar, Hong Kong, and other places, playing a significant role in integrating pro-democracy organizations. Yu Dahai visited Australia, where Australia was a major figure in the pro-democracy movement, and a significant number of NLD members also made up a significant portion. In Australia, after interacting with some Democratic League members, Yu Dahai learned that many members and international students face difficulties in residing. Some refugee companies forge documents when applying for identity and profit through deception. Some internal disputes within the Democratic League are also related to this fraudulent practice. In response to this situation, he stated that pro-democracy activists must strictly demand themselves from their moral standards, and those bad apples within the Democratic League who profit by fabricating false documents should be disciplined. In view of this, the Democratic League Supervisory Committee issued a resolution on “clear separation of public and private interests,” requiring: “From now on, all levels of the Democratic League shall not issue false certificates, abuse or sell membership cards, or engage in public or private acts such as issuing false certificates, issuing or selling membership cards, and must avoid other similar conflicts of interest. There are two ways to avoid such activities: first, stop participating in profit-seeking activities; Second, resigning from his position within the alliance,…… Anyone found to have used public office for personal gain, upon investigation by the supervisory committee, will be expelled from the alliance …….” At the same time, to strengthen the publicity of the democracy movement, detailed guidelines for publishing the Australian edition of “Chinese Spring” in Australia were issued. In May 1992, during the second congress, the Australian Provincial Branch of the NLD violated election principles. After the NLD headquarters and committee learned of the situation, they issued the “Opinion on Handling Internal Disputes of the Australian Provincial Branch,” acknowledging the legitimacy of the May 17 branch meeting and election results, and resisting some unhealthy tendencies within the NLD. Not long before, the Civil Rights League organization in Sydney, Australia, faced further disagreements. Yu Dahai and headquarters office director Xue Wei tried several mediations without success. Based on the circumstances, headquarters finally made the decision to “formally separate if it fails,” officially approving the establishment of the NLR New York branch and separating from Sydney. In early November, Yu Dahai visited France and Germany. In France, he met with veteran Democratic League members Ke Lisi, Wang Keping, Liu Kunning, Zhou Xiong, and others, and made efforts to rebuild the Democratic League’s Paris branch. In Germany, he also discussed work with Liang Dasheng, director of the China Democratic League’s German branch, and Yang Xianzhi, German distributor of “China Spring.” From late February to early March 1992, Yu Dahai went to Myanmar, the most difficult place for the Democratic Alliance’s work. Myanmar borders China. The Myanmar branch of the China Democratic League was established in 1987 with dozens of members, but due to political and geographical reasons, there was no contact with headquarters for a long time after the “Three Congresses.” Especially after Liang Chaotian, the head of the Myanmar branch, was arrested by the Chinese Communist Party, the branch’s activities were nearly paralyzed. Since September 1991, headquarters and the Hong Kong branch have been probing renewed contact with the Myanmar branch, but due to long communication cycles, confirmation was not reached until early February 1992. Originally, Yu Dahai was supposed to travel to Myanmar with a member of the Hong Kong branch, but due to visa difficulties, he ended up traveling alone. During his time in Myanmar, his liaison efforts were obstructed by the military government and faced many difficulties. Although the results did not go as planned, he still learned a considerable amount of information and established some connections.
While reorganizing existing branches and sub-branches, the Democratic League headquarters has also opened up new fronts. On April 5, 1992, the Bangkok branch of the Democratic Alliance was established. Also from that month, China Spring magazine began publication in Bangkok. Most members of the Bangkok branch are mainland Chinese who fled to Thailand via Myanmar and Indochina, and do not have residency in Thailand, making it very difficult to operate. At the end of April, the Thai Immigration Bureau arrested several members of the Democratic League on charges of illegal entry. On June 3, three leaders of the Bangkok branch—Na Tiansheng, Lin Naixiang, and Li Suwen—were also arrested by the Thai Immigration Bureau while preparing for the June 4th movement. To rescue them, headquarters sent relevant materials to Amnesty International and Chinese human rights organizations, and also sent letters to the Thai Ministry of Foreign Affairs, hoping the Thai government would release them on humanitarian grounds and grant them legal residency. The headquarters also sent three members from the Hong Kong branch to Bangkok to visit the Democratic League members detained in detention. Thanks to the efforts of headquarters, the vast majority of members were released relatively quickly.
(3) Restore the publication of ‘China Spring Newsletter.’ In August 1991, the headquarters resumed publishing the “China Spring Newsletter,” which was mainly intended for shipment to mainland China, compiling important articles in loose-leaf format and sending them in regular envelopes. After resumption, the headquarters imported over ten thousand copies into mainland China via postal or special distribution channels. Starting in the spring of 1992, headquarters resumed the campaign of giving away “Spring in China” to mainland visitors at New York Airport, sending hundreds of copies each month.
(4) Since the Fifth National Congress, the Democratic League has also established some new contact points on the mainland, and some members have organized secret organizations to discuss social and political issues on the mainland. At the same time, some overseas members or those with close ties to the China Democratic League were sent back to China to secretly carry out pro-democracy activities. Because this issue is quite sensitive, it will not be detailed here.
(5) Publish English “Newsletters” irregularly. When Hu Ping was chairman in the previous term, he and the Civil Human Rights Front jointly published the English newsletter “Voice of Chinese Democracy,” but the Front actually provided almost no manpower or funding. After Yu Dahai took office, due to reduced funding, publishing English newsletters faced difficulties. But within its means, headquarters still periodically publishes newsletters in hopes of influencing American society and Congress. To facilitate contact with the English-speaking world, Yu Dahai also led the compilation of an English brochure in September 1991, consisting of twelve pages, aimed at introducing the pro-democracy movements in mainland China and overseas to American society, and distributing it to Congress and relevant U.S. agencies.
(6) Staff at headquarters and the “China Spring” magazine regularly hold speeches, press conferences, and lobby the legislature. For example, Yu Dahai, chairman of the Democratic Alliance, has held lectures in Orlando, Lexington, Kentucky, East Lanxing, Detroit, Chicago, Montreal, Ottawa, Kingston, Toronto, Edmont, Calgory, Paris, France, Cologne, Trier, Bochum in Germany, Sydney and Melbourne in Australia, Tokyo, as well as Hong Kong and Taipei in Japan. Hu Ping, lead author of “China Spring,” also gave speeches in Donglanxing in the United States, Sydney and Canberra in Australia, Melbourne, and several cities in Canada. Xue Wei, Director of the Headquarters Office, Yang Wei, Organization Officer, and Lü Jinghua, Public Relations Officer, have also given speeches. In addition, headquarters has strengthened its use of news media, publishing dozens of news events and holding more than ten press conferences. The head of headquarters has also been interviewed by the media multiple times, with more than ten interviews with Voice of America alone.
The NLD headquarters placed great importance on lobbying Congress work. For example, in early November 1991, based on comprehensive opinions from various fields, the Democratic League headquarters decided to support the U.S. in attaching human rights conditions to mainland China when granting most-favored-nation status. Subsequently, the headquarters sent Yang Wei, Ye Ning, and Hua Xiazi to participate in lobbying activities organized by the All-American Self-Defense League in the U.S. Congress.
(7) Strengthened relations with other democratic movement organizations. Since Yu Dahai became chairman, he has maintained good relations with pro-democracy organizations such as the Civil Human Rights Front, the Academic Self-Defense Federation, the Liberal Democratic Party, and the Hong Kong Support Alliance. It is especially important to note the relationship with the Liberal Democratic Party. The Liberal Democratic Party was a pro-democracy organization established by people who split from the Democratic League after the ‘Wang’s recall incident.’ After Yu Dahai took office, he had a long private talk with Wang Bingzhang. In June 1991, the Liberal Democratic Party held a special representative meeting, where Yu Dahai expressed hope that members who had separated would return to the league, which had played a positive role in resolving differences. On August 1, 1991, headquarters received news from newspapers that the Beijing branch of the Liberal Democratic Party had founded “China Spring News.” On the same day, LDP Chairman Wang Bingzhang held a press conference, stating that the Liberal Democratic Party used the name “China Spring” because it already had considerable recognition in mainland China, and many members of the Beijing branch were veterans of “China Spring.” After the incident, there was intense internal reaction. China Spring magazine also issued a statement protesting the Liberal Democratic Party’s infringement. Later, after negotiations, this conflict was finally resolved. The Liberal Democratic Party no longer insisted on publishing the “China Spring News,” causing the negative impact of the Democratic League’s relationship with the Liberal Democratic Party to basically disappear over time. □