We will never forget
In its “Four Congress” announcements, the China Democratic Alliance pointed out that one of the important tasks in the coming period is: “Further break the CCP’s news blockade, so that more mainland people can understand the entire process of this democratic movement and the factual truth of the CCP authorities’ bloody massacre of unarmed students; At the same time, further efforts should be made to promote the concept of freedom, democracy, and rule of law, and to criticize totalitarian autocratic systems. Through various channels, efforts are made to provide aid and rescue work for mainland pro-democracy activists. With this task as the focus, the All-China Democratic League carried out a series of arrangements and operations.
It should be noted that some of the following items were carried out under the direct leadership of the “China Democratic League,” some were joint actions with brother organizations and groups, and some received strong assistance and support from the China Democratic Federation. In short, these achievements are not the achievements of the “China Democratic Federation” alone, but the result of the joint efforts of overseas pro-democracy movements.
(1) First, in response to the situation on the mainland, the Democratic League headquarters made rapid adjustments to the magazine “China Spring.” For a long time, China Spring focused on the “1989 Democracy Movement” and the “June Fourth Incident.” It published numerous articles that undeniably exposed the CCP’s fascist crimes of massacring people during the “June Fourth” Incident, exposed the dark secrets of mainland China under CCP rule, published the list of victims of the “June Fourth,” and carried out extensive publicity and support for many imprisoned pro-democracy activists, as well as theoretically discussed and summarized the “1989 Democracy Movement.”
Since the ‘1989 Democratic Movement,’ China Spring magazine has closely cooperated with the democratic forces of mainland China. Issue 73 of ‘China Spring’ (June 1989) provided a lengthy and timely report on the entire process of the democratic movement (see the article ‘Domestic and International Joint Report on China’s April 15 Student Movement’); Issue 74 (July 1989) also reported the truth behind the June Fourth Incident (see “Bloodbath in Tiananmen”), compiled the recording of Chai Ling’s “I am Chai Ling, I am still alive,” and published the first list of June Fourth victims.
Thearticles on the “1989 Democracy Movement” and the “June Fourth Incident” published in China Spring are roughly divided into the following sections:
1. Revealing the truth behind the June Fourth incident, a series of memoirs and photos from eyewitnesses were published.
2. Published the list of deceased and disabled.
3. Exposing confidential documents of the CCP’s suppression of pro-democracy activists in broad daylight.
4. It introduces the life achievements of many arrested pro-democracy activists, their appeals, Chinese Communist court verdicts, and their current conditions in prison, calling on the international community to make efforts to rescue them.
5. Published a series of articles summarizing and discussing the “1989 Democracy Movement” from a theoretical perspective, and launched academic debates on this theme.
During this period, “China Spring” was very popular among readers, not only improving in quality but also in significant quantity.
(2) Published “A Chronicle of the 1989 Democracy Movement.” The book contains nearly one million characters, divided into two volumes, published in August 1989, edited by Wu Mouren and others. It collects various major facts and documents from the “1989 Democracy Movement” (April 15 to June 24). The materials mainly come from reports and special articles from news agencies and newspapers in mainland China and around the world. It also includes declarations, announcements, leaflets, folk newspapers, and other documents issued in Beijing and other regions during the movement, as well as speeches, interview reports, and eyewitness accounts from relevant figures. It is a relatively complete book of information, documentary, and research rather than research. Yan Jiaqi wrote the preface for the book and gave high praise for its publication in the preface, saying: “‘A Chronicle of the 1989 Democracy Movement’ thoroughly records this major event that shook the world. Its publication will certainly play a positive role in spreading the spirit of the ‘1989 Democratic Movement’ and advancing China’s democratization process. ”
(3) Establish the “Voice of June 4th” radio station. After the June Fourth Incident, international students such as Li Sanyuan, Hu Ming, Wang Huiyun, and Du Gang (some of whom were members of the Democratic League) jointly initiated the founding of the “Voice of June 4th” radio station in Chicago. During their founding, conditions were extremely tough, and the first problem they faced was a lack of funding. At first, all the money was donated by international students themselves. For example, a classmate from Columbia donated $1,000, a classmate from Maryland donated $1,500, and Li Sanyuan contributed $3,500 himself. Their broadcasting was arranged at home, with blankets blocking the windows for soundproofing, and there was no air conditioning. After sitting for ten minutes, he would be drenched in sweat. Their broadcasts mainly targeted mainland China, initially using variable broadcasting methods, ranging from two-hour programs per week to fixed broadcasts on one day per week. Later, it expanded to broadcast for one hour between 8 and 9 a.m. daily, and ninety percent of mainland China regions could hear it clearly. Of course, their programs can’t compare to official American radio stations—their news coverage is weaker, the content is rougher, and the equipment is very basic. But their spirit of wholeheartedly devoting themselves to China’s democracy movement is commendable. The “Voice of June 4th” radio station lasted for more than two years before finally ceasing due to financial exhaustion.
(4) The organization of the “June Fourth Plan” was established. Before the June 4th incident, the China Democratic League and China Spring organized a petition demonstration at the United Nations Square. Many groups participated and formed a hunger strike group, which elected a committee whose original purpose was to organize the operation of the hunger strike. But in the later stages of the hunger strike, people felt that the situation in mainland China was developing rapidly, and large-scale purges and arrests had begun. They believed they could not passively sit on a hunger strike but instead established a relatively stable group to fight for China’s democracy for the long term. Thus, the hunger strike committee members discussed for a long time and decided to form the “June Fourth Plan” organization. Their key members included Lo Wai-lik, Lee Lai Cheung, and Wang Tzu-kin, among others. Some were members of the Democratic League or had very close ties to it. The goal of this organization was to collect all materials related to the Tiananmen Massacre, organize it, and establish an archive. They hope that the archives they have collected will one day be exhibited in a museum in front of Tiananmen. Of course, under the CCP’s high-pressure political climate, it is fraught with difficulties to thoroughly collect information on the June 4th incident. But they give their all, doing as much as they can. They are, first, through friends and classmates in Beijing; second, through Hong Kong university students and journalists; Third, pay attention to collecting information from news media worldwide. Through a period of effort, they have achieved remarkable results. For example, through passing checkpoints and smuggling, they obtained a batch of photos from the June Fourth Incident, which had never appeared in other news media. For example, people killed by dum-bombs, students and workers run over by tanks, or exposed intestines. After obtaining these photos, they immediately distributed them to the American press. ‘China Spring’ and American news outlets adopted their photos, and some national representatives to the United Nations also requested photos from them. At the same time, they collected many lists of victims, biographies, and eyewitness reports, and raised donations for the families of the victims of the June 4th Incident. During the hunger strike, the organization had already donated 5,000 yuan, which they reliably delivered to the families of the victims.
(5) Organize the “June 4th Cycling Team Around the United States.” Less than a week after the June 4th incident, on June 10th, Guo Cheng, a member of the China Democratic Federation, along with overseas student Wang Hong, began planning a “June 4th Cycling Team Around the U.S.” They first raised funds themselves. Yang Haiping, a Chinese woman from San Francisco, donated 5,000 yuan alone, along with a car and camera. What touched them most was the New York Chinatown Center for the Elderly. When they heard they were cycling around the U.S. exposing the truth about June 4th, they actively supported them. One elderly person donated one yuan, totaling over 260 yuan. This cycling team, composed of Guo Cheng, Zhang Yilin, Wang Hong, Wang Zijian, and others, set out from New York on September 20, 1989, for the 100th day of the June 4th Memorial Festival. After a grueling journey, they first headed north to Boston, then south to Washington—Atlanta—Birmingham—Dallas—Houston—Austin, and arrived in Los Angeles on December 12, covering over 2,700 miles. Along the way, they promoted democracy to overseas Chinese, explained the fascist atrocities committed by the CCP during June 4th, awakened the public’s sense of national salvation, and played a role in publicizing and encouraging Chinese in the United States. In a memoir, they described the hardships of cycling around the US: “We rode from New York to Boston for four days, three days and two nights of heavy rain, and the journey was incredibly tough.” The most troublesome part is road repairs and car repairs. American bicycles are advanced but not durable, and they love to break down. Sometimes crossing bridges forbids cycling, and riding buses forbids bicycles, which really puts us in a difficult position. Once, when crossing a bridge, we took four hours to catch a truck driver. At first, he disagreed, but eventually, unable to hold back our hesitation, he finally helped us cross the bridge. They were warmly welcomed along the way, with Guo Cheng writing: “Our political influence along the way was quite good.” This time, there was a fundamental change from my last long-distance run. Three years ago, when I organized a democracy marathon, wherever I went, the students from Taiwan and Hong Kong would come out to welcome me. Mainland students didn’t dare approach me, a counterrevolutionary. But this time the situation was very different. The main guests welcoming us were mainland students, while Taiwanese students came along with their mainland students. “The most interesting thing is, Guo Cheng recalled: “Three years ago, while I was running a long race for democracy through Arthurs in Georgia, I had a heated debate with mainland Chinese students there. At that time, they still held many illusions about the Communist Party, but in the end, neither could convince the other, and everyone parted on bad terms.” This time, our convoy passed through Arthurs again. The international students who had debated with me back then all came to welcome us, saying: ‘Guo Cheng, you were right back then. June Fourth has completely shattered our illusions about the Communist Party.’ ”
(6) Hold the “June 4th” Art Exhibition. On June 9, 1989, shaken by the June Fourth Incident, Chinese painters in New York decided to hold an exhibition themed on mainland Chinese politics. Their plan was supported by the “Asian American Art Center” in New York, which formed a committee responsible for specific matters. One of the main organizers of the project, Paul Zhang, was a painter and art historian, and also a close friend of the ‘China Democratic League.’ To organize this exhibition, they sent over 5,000 letters to artists from around the world, many American painters, Latin American painters, East Germans, and Hungarian painters also submitted works, and more than twenty Chinese painters participated in the exhibition. Painter Zhang Hongtu painted three works for the exhibition: first, “Door”; One is the “Last Supper”; The first is the “Mao Zedong Series.” These paintings profoundly reveal the evil nature of the CCP’s autocratic system and have been praised by the American art community. In an interview, Zhang Hongtu said: “The Communist Party killed so many people in Beijing, and as an artist, I am furious…… I don’t pursue political effects excessively, but based on my own life experience in mainland China, I know artists find it hard to escape politics. When Paul Zhang commented on the exhibition, he said: “My assessment is that the artists’ consciences are the most sincere. The participants are not only Chinese painters but also so many American and artists from around the world. It’s truly moving.” Now that such a major event has happened in our country, any Chinese artist with a conscience should bravely stand up and create works even deeper than Picasso’s ‘Cornica’ to expose the fascist actions of the Chinese Communist Party. ”
The “China Democratic League” has done a lot of publicity work to organize this exhibition.
(7) “T Plan.” Although the “1989 Democracy Movement” was suppressed by the gunfire of June 4th, it triggered a chain reaction in communist countries worldwide, leading to the successive collapse of communist regimes in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union. On January 16, 1990, the “China Democratic League” launched its “T Plan.” The earliest drafters of the “T Plan” were Chen Jun, Wu Mouren, and Huan Guocang, with later participants including Hu Ping, Xu Bangtai, and Wu’er Kaixi. The main purpose of this plan is that, based on the current political development in mainland China and the experience of Eastern Europe, China’s democratic forces will face a series of challenges such as political disintegration, economic crises, and social unrest on the mainland. To address these challenges, the “T Plan” aims to develop a concrete and feasible contingency plan. They believe: “Proposing an actionable contingency plan is also key to whether overseas Chinese democratic forces can play an important ideological and strategic role in the next democratic movement on the mainland.” ”
The research outline proposed by the “T Project” is: 1. The most probable model. The model, modes, general process, and characteristics of the most likely future events in China’s democracy movement. Whether national or regional unrest may occur among the major events faced. Whether this turmoil would become entangled with historical political, ethnic, religious, and patriarchal struggles. How to deal with such turmoil. 3. Military. How to keep the military neutral in the democratic movement, or to make the military support the democratic movement in various ways and resist dictators. How to minimize the use of the military to overthrow dictatorships, and how to prevent and avoid factional conflicts within the military. After the initial victory of the democratic movement, how to quickly withdraw the military from domestic politics, how to free the army from political influence, and how to nationalize the military. 4. Police and Public Security. Ensure the leading role of police in public security, and how to ensure police protect democratic movements according to the law. Dissolve the “mass dictatorship” system. Political prisoners were released promptly, and criminal offenders were strictly punished according to the law. 5. Constitutional amendment. How to propose constitutional amendments at the right time, and what procedures to adopt for amending the constitution. Drafted the “Constitution of Democratic China (Draft)”. 6. Democratic elections and the People’s Congress (Parliament). The timing and procedures for dissolving the original National People’s Congress and local National People’s Congresses. When and in what manner to conduct national parliamentary elections. Is a transitional phase needed before the national elections? Introduction of campaign mechanisms. 7. Political System Structure. Besides the National Assembly (People’s Congress), is it still necessary to retain the original provincial, municipal, and county People’s Congress? Design and changes in the structure of central and local governments. The Possibility, Necessity, and Implementation Methods of “Separation of Powers.” The system of heads of state. The cabinet is formed. 8. Party System. How to deal with the original authoritarian parties and the eight original “democratic parties.” Should the Communist Party be dissolved or reorganized by the reformist faction of the Communist Party itself? Enact and implement the “Law on the Organization of Political Parties,” allowing citizens to freely form parties. Multi-party democracy, separation of political parties and government. 9. Press freedom. Formulate and implement the “News Law” to safeguard citizens’ freedom of expression in news publications. Newspapers, radio stations, TV stations, and publishers are both privately run and privately run. Whether to establish official news agencies and government news publishing management agencies. 10. Enterprises and Trade Unions. Protecting existing productive forces and economic facilities during political changes. Rapidly implement a market economy, protect and develop truly independent economies or other private collective economic enterprises with backgrounds unrelated to bureaucratic groups. Develop existing state-owned enterprises, clarify property rights, and carry out effective reforms. Laws and regulations that protect the economic activities of existing enterprises. Issues of establishing free trade unions and workers’ autonomy. 11. Safeguard national finances. The preservation and transformation of the existing banking and financial systems. How to recover assets from corrupt bureaucratic groups overseas and shut down the economic privileges of enterprises colluding with bureaucratic groups (government corruption). 12. Agriculture and farmers. Stabilize rural society and develop the rural commodity economy. ensuring the supply of rural materials to ensure the development of agricultural production without delaying the farming season. Implementation of direct elections for township and town mayors. Changes in land ownership. Implementation of land reform. Protection and use of rural public facilities. 13. The guarantee of the market and people’s daily life mainly includes the security of grain and non-staple foods. In addition, there are issues related to ethnic minorities, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. The role of overseas pro-democracy activists and international relations and diplomatic issues.
In carrying out research on the “T Plan,” the “China Democratic Federation” achieved research results of a certain quality and quantity. A large portion of these articles were published in “China Spring.”
(8) The “Voice of China” radio station was established. In mid-February 1991, Xu Bangtai, director of the Joint Committee of the Democratic League, established a radio station called “Voice of China” in San Francisco. The station broadcast every morning from 5 to 6 a.m. Beijing time, rebroadcasting Saturday’s program on Sundays. The broadcast frequency of “Voice of China” was 15,280 kHz. Their program is divided into fourteen segments, generally titled “Reference News,” “Free Commentary,” “Eight Thousand Miles of Clouds and Moon,” “Night Talk of China,” “The Outside World,” “Real Stories,” “The Wound of June 4th,” and “Overseas Democracy Movement.” When discussing the purpose of starting a radio station, Xu Bangtai said: “There are over a hundred thousand students from mainland China overseas. While studying and working, they also run various magazines and newspapers. I originally studied journalism, and in my view, nothing could have the greatest impact on mainland China than broadcasting. So, I came up with the idea to start a radio station. “The station’s initial 5,000 yuan was funded by overseas Chinese in the San Francisco Bay Area, and later received strong support from the 21st Century China Foundation.” Voice of China radio mainly introduces China, often selecting highlights from magazines such as “China Spring,” “Contention,” “The 1990s,” “Open,” “Democratic China,” as well as news from various newspaper groups, which has had a certain influence on the mainland Chinese public.
(9) Strengthen external contacts and expand the space for overseas democracy movement activities. From the second half of 1989, the “Su Dongbo wave” surged fiercely. The Democratic Alliance seized the opportunity to strengthen external contacts. At this critical moment for the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries to achieve democratic transformation, the China Democratic League promptly and clearly expressed its firm support. When Romanian Ceaușescu ordered the suppression of the Romanian people’s democratic movement by force, the NLD immediately issued a statement in strong protest. Huang Ben, Vice Chairman of the China Democratic League, and Ding Chu, Editor-in-Chief of China Spring, also sent Yang Manke, a reporter and editor from China Spring magazine, to Romania for frontline interviews, bringing along a congratulatory letter from the China Democratic Alliance to the new Romanian government and donations raised by the Federation. During his visit to Romania, Yang Manke also interviewed Hungary and Yugoslavia along the way. It brings the earliest first-hand reports to overseas Chinese. Afterwards, Yang Manke traveled across Eastern Europe, the Soviet Union, and even Cuba, writing numerous reports and interviews. Later, he published a book called “The Genesis of Eastern Europe,” which was warmly received by readers.
Many members of the Democratic League also attended the Berlin International Forum in April 1990, where they exchanged views with pro-democracy activists from the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries and learned from others’ successful experiences. During his subsequent trip to Czechoslovakia, Hu Ping contacted local pro-democracy activists and pro-democracy publications and gave interviews, with the interview being published prominently in a pro-democracy newspaper in Prague. At the same time, the Democratic Federation also established liaison stations and magazine distribution outlets in the Soviet Union and several Eastern European countries.
During this period, the Democratic Alliance also vigorously developed relations with Hong Kong and Taiwan. The Democratic Alliance actively supports the work of the Hong Kong Alliance, assisting Hong Kong’s democratic forces in rescue efforts for mainland pro-democracy activists and coordinating joint actions. In December 1989, Hu Ping, chairman of the Democratic League, together with more than ten other pro-democracy organizations and institutions, visited Taiwan. This was also the first time an event was held in Taiwan under the name of the Democratic League. Over the course of one month, Hu Ping met with people from Taiwan’s political and cultural circles, participated in more than ten seminars and symposiums, and systematically explained the league’s mission, position, and positions on current affairs and major issues to the people of Taiwan, earning widespread praise. Especially on sensitive and complex issues such as cross-strait relations, Hu Ping’s speech is generally considered “fair and straightforward.” Through the visit, mutual understanding and trust were deepened, and a series of positive ideas were put forward for further promoting the mainland democracy movement in the future.
In October 1990, the Three Principles of the People Grand Alliance held a meeting in Houston, Texas, USA. The Democratic Alliance formed a strong lineup. During speeches at the conference and in group sessions, members of the China Democratic League gave substantial reports from various aspects including headquarters work, organizational suggestions, magazine editing and distribution, grassroots activities, and mainland work, demonstrating the unity spirit and overall action capability of the “China Democratic Federation,” leaving a deep impression on the attendees.
(10) Walking Movement and White Uniform Campaign. In April 1990, the editorial department of China Spring published a flyer written in the name of Beijing citizens titled “Let’s Take a Walk at Tiananmen Square,” calling on: “All patriotic compatriots who pursue freedom and democracy, please gather once again in Tiananmen Square on April 1st and April 5th.” We are not here to hold a rally or parade at Tiananmen; we are simply going to the square for a walk and sightseeing. This cannot be approved or prohibited. We can go alone or in groups of three or five, but don’t gather in a full line. We don’t need to hold up flags or slogans; we just walk naturally around the square. We can sing and dance, we can rejoice, we can be sad. We can also simply be silent; as long as we smile at each other, the scene and emotion blend; if we extend two fingers, hearts connect. We exchange deep emotions through silent exchanges, express clear intentions with subtlety, and demonstrate powerful strength through calmness. As long as millions of people stand on Tiananmen Square, it becomes the focus of global attention. Everyone can fully grasp its meaning and meaning from the calm crowds in the square. ”
At the same time, the “China Democratic Federation” also wrote a special explanation, pointing out that taking a walk at Tiananmen “we think is an excellent idea.” “”Please cut out this flyer, stamp it, send it back to the mainland, back to Beijing, and to everyone we know about the communications office…… ‘No journey is possible without taking small steps.’” The renewed start of China’s democratic movement depends on every concrete action we take. ”
In May 1990, China Spring magazine published another leaflet titled “White Clothes Action, Mourning National Mourning,” calling on all Chinese people to wear white on June 4th to express our tribute to the heroic souls of June 4th. The flyer read: “June is summer, wearing white clothes is the most natural thing.” The authorities can never tell who, among the many people in white, is mourning and which is purely accidental. Yes, the authoritarian ruling group sitting on a volcano, anxious and anxious all day, might even brazenly order a ban on people wearing white on June 4th. This alone exposed their extreme weakness to the world, leaving a ridicule in history. We can play deaf and dumb. If they ask us why you’re wearing white today? We asked them in return: What special day is today? Why can’t we wear white today? ”
The headquarters of theChina Democratic League wrote another “statement” on this leaflet, once again urging: “We earnestly hope that all those concerned about China’s democracy movement will continue to use various communication methods, including radio, newspapers, letters, telephone, fax, meetings, and whispers, so that the content of this leaflet reaches as widely and quickly as possible across the country.” ”
Later, Hu Ping, chairman of the China Democratic Federation, told reporters: “These two leaflets were originally drafted by the Democratic League headquarters in cooperation with domestic pro-democracy activists. The ‘square walk’ and the ‘White Clothes Action’ were well-used strategic attempts,” and “When we first came up with this idea, our main focus was on ‘low risk, high benefit.’” People were extremely angry about the June Fourth massacre; everyone wanted to express it, but still feared the CCP would crack down again. Walking and wearing white clothes not only served as a protest but also minimized risk. Hu Ping also said something quite humorous: “If the strategy is right, the bird breeding association can also resist.” ”
After these two flyers were published, during April, May, and June, the “Democratic League” worked with other overseas groups to send large quantities of information back to China through letters, faxes, phone calls, and other methods. Many students who had not participated in the mass movement were happy to participate this time. According to reports from some Democratic League branches, in Kentucky alone, the Democratic League spent 500 yuan on stamps to send letters and sent over a thousand letters. Of course, the total number of cases imported is unknown, but judging from the news media at the time, Beijingers spread the news everywhere, so the number of cases that arrived is likely considerable.
Because the “square walk” and “white clothes movement” were feasible, the CCP authorities were extremely tense. During April, May, and June, the CCP was on high alert, issued red documents, closed squares, deployed troops everywhere, and even went so far as to ban white clothing on June 4. Although the “Square Walk” and the “White Uniform Action” did not achieve satisfactory results, the CCP’s performance demonstrated the plan’s success from another perspective. The British “Economist” published a special article, quoting diplomats stationed in Beijing as saying: “This is a major success in the pro-democracy movement.” Foreign news outlets called the CCP’s closure of Tiananmen Square “China’s strange stability.” It is reported that the wife of former U.S. Ambassador to Beijing Lord said in public: “Absurdly ridiculous, fearing to this extent, can such a regime last long?” ”
In addition to the “Square Walk” and the “White Clothes Campaign,” the “China Democratic League” also carried out several strategic operations, such as mobilizing the public to care for those suffering political persecution and their families, donating money to those arrested, and delivering money to them through special channels. During this period, just through the chairman’s personal efforts, the chairman of the Democratic Alliance personally donated $13,000 to mainland pro-democracy activists. Later materials showed that the donations were all delivered to domestic pro-democracy activists and used for the most useful work. Mobilize the people to record the “Change the Heavenly Tent,” record the names of those who are devoted and accomplice to the tiger, so that one day they will be punished by history. They used the CCP’s remaining space to carry out legitimate struggles. For example, the “Democratic League” once sent messages calling on the people to elect representatives who truly embody public opinion in grassroots representative elections. As a result, the CCP was forced to order the postponement of the election. When the Asian Games were being held in mainland China, the “Democratic League” also distributed leaflets, calling on the Chinese people to attend the Games and engage with foreigners through actions they consider “reasonable, reasonable, and legal,” exposing the CCP’s authoritarian crimes.
(11) Keep an eye on the trials in Beijing. In January 1991, taking advantage of the turmoil of the Persian Gulf and the shift of international attention from mainland China to the Middle East, the CCP began illegal trials of those arrested by the ’89 pro-democracy movement.’ This clearly exposes the CCP authorities’ stubbornness to act despite international sanctions and condemnation. In response, on January 7, the “China Democratic League,” “Civil Democracy Front,” “All-American Self-Taught Student Federation,” and “Human Rights and Democracy Foundation” jointly wrote an article titled “Open Your Eyes and Focus on Beijing’s Judgment,” calling on “all Chinese people with conscience, all countries, governments, and friends who hope for China’s progress, please join us in taking action to resolutely condemn and stop this serious violation of human rights.” In March 1991, commentator Lu Bian of ‘China Spring’ published another article titled ‘Beijing Trial: Creating Fear with Suspense,’ pointing out: ‘There is no doubt that the participants of the 1989 democracy movement made extraordinary contributions to China’s cause of freedom and democracy. Their adherence to peaceful, rational, and nonviolent justice won worldwide sympathy and admiration.’ They have merit but are innocent. Their arrests and sentencing are completely illegal and unjust, a crude violation of fundamental human rights. “In the same issue, He Pin’s article “From the June Fourth Mass Crackdown to the September 1st Trial” was published, revealing the CCP’s large-scale manhunt for participants in the “1989 pro-democracy movement” after the June Fourth incident, as well as the “swift trials and heavy sentences” of a group of civilians in 1989 and the mass trials of some pro-democracy leaders in 1991.
In response to the CCP’s large-scale trial of pro-democracy activists, the “China Democratic Federation” not only carried out rescue efforts within its capabilities but also further strengthened publicity of the life stories of imprisoned pro-democracy activists, published the truth of the trials, published their appeals, and indictments and verdicts from the CCP procuratorate and courts, aiming to draw international attention and put pressure on the CCP’s human rights violations.
During and after the trial, “China Spring” successively published special articles by several arrested pro-democracy activists, including Wang Dan, Chen Ziming, Wang Juntao, Liu Xiaobo, Li Guiren, Mo Lihua, Xiao Xuehui, Liu Gang, Liu Suli, Wu Xuecan, Bao Tong, Zhang Weiguo, Wang Xinlong, Ge Hu, and Yin Jin. These articles had a certain impact on the international community and, to some extent, also put pressure on the CCP’s trial of pro-democracy activists.
In short, through these activities, the “China Democratic Federation” has grown stronger step by step and gradually matured in organizational operations.
During this period, there were also some twists and turns, such as the controversy over “catching CCP spies.” Since the founding of the Liberal Democratic League, the incident of “catching CCP spies” has occurred more than once. Regarding the issue of “catching spies,” the headquarters head of the Democratic League held the stance: due to the Federation’s openness and transparency, even if the CCP dispatches spies, it has little substantive significance. As for tasks that require temporary secrecy, the headquarters pays special attention to selecting personnel. In short, when dealing with spies, one must be vigilant, but not trusting them easily, especially when handling them, and be extremely cautious. Therefore, generally speaking, although the “catching spies” controversy caused considerable public opinion outside, it did not actually cause significant damage to the Democratic Alliance organization.
Another event was Hu Ping’s “resignation.” On June 28, 1990, Hu Ping submitted his “resignation” to the Joint Committee and the Supervisory Committee of the Democratic Federation, requesting that the committee arrange a new headquarters candidate within one week. The main reason for Hu Ping’s “resignation” was that during this period, the Democratic League front had been stretched too long, resulting in funding shortages and a severe financial crisis. Hu Ping felt a heavy responsibility and, with a sense of self-reproach, submitted his resignation. To this end, from July 4 to 5, the “China Democratic League” held the sixth meeting of the Alliance Committee in Washington, which passed a series of motions, including: 1. The proposal proposed by member Zong Jixiang regarding the revision of the Democratic League’s fiscal budget. Through careful budgeting, the league’s monthly expenses will be reduced by 20%. 2. Member Wu Fangcheng proposed the China Democratic League Resignation Law. From now on, there will be a clear rule for the resignation of relevant leaders in the future. 3. Chairman Xu Bangtai proposed the proposal to add a deputy director to the Joint Committee to further strengthen its operations. After careful consideration, Hu Ping withdrew his resignation. To ease the financial difficulties of the Democratic League, the headquarters implemented a series of measures to save resources and increase flow, which eventually led to an improvement in finances. Notably, Zhang Yitang, former president of the student self-government association at Purdue University in Indiana, donated 3,000 yuan to the Democratic Federation at once. He said, “As a member of the alliance, I am deeply concerned about the difficulties the headquarters has recently encountered, and I am willing to contribute to the cause of democracy in China.” ”□