first World Congress of the “China Spring” was held
From December 27 to December 30, 1983, the “Chinese Spring Democratic Movement” held its first World Congress in New York, USA, attended by fifty-three delegates from the Americas, Europe, Australia, Japan, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and mainland China.
The opening speech was delivered by Wang Min.
Wang Bingzhang’s executive group of the Preparatory Committee for the Congress presented a work report.
Wang Min represented the executive group of the Preparatory Committee for the Congress and delivered a report on the current situation in mainland China.
In his report titled “A Year’s Summary and Future Tasks of the Chinese Spring Democratic Movement,” Wang Bingzhang provided a comprehensive summary and review of the year’s work and offered suggestions for future work. The report is divided into five main parts: 1. Theoretical publicity work. Over the past year, the “China Spring Democratic Movement” disseminated democracy movement theory and information through the following channels: (1) founding the magazine “China Spring”; (2) By leveraging domestic and foreign news media, the movement gained momentum and expanded its influence; (3) Held lectures and forums; (4) The eight-character mission of “democracy, rule of law, freedom, and human rights” was proposed; (5) In theory, it strengthened the exploration and elaboration of the theory of diversification, challenged the economic theory of “public ownership,” and criticized the “Four Adherences.” Wang Bingzhang also pointed out shortcomings in theoretical research and publicity work, namely: (1) a team of democratic theory has not yet been formed; (2) Theoretical research appears weak; (3) Lack of solid work style in publicity work; (4) China Spring magazine has not yet developed the characteristics and standards of an official publication. 2. The promotion of democratic movements and the establishment of organizations. Wang Bingzhang summarized the achievements of the “China Spring Democratic Movement” over the past year and the establishment of liaison stations across various regions, and reviewed the two splits of the “China Spring Democratic Movement Headquarters.” He pointed out: (1) Activists must continuously strengthen their democratic awareness during the movement; (2) Activists must establish a correct view of democracy; (3) Activists must bravely face reality and confront contradictions. 3. Public Relations. Wang Bingzhang summarized the efforts he made over the past year in expanding public relations, such as establishing contacts with organizations such as the East Asian Human Rights Association, the Committee for Workers’ and Artists in Support of the Polish Solidarity Union, Amnesty International, and the International Anti-Authoritarian Alliance, as well as establishing good relationships with Chinese organizations, journalists, scholars, writers, and professors. 4. Financial work. Wang Bingzhang pointed out that the funding for the “China Spring Democratic Movement” came from seven sources: (1) subscription and sponsorship fees for the magazine “China Spring”; (2) Raise funds on the spot during the speech; (3) Organizing fundraising banquets; (4) Membership fees and member sponsorship fees; (5) Private donations from Taiwan; (6) Donations from overseas Chinese and overseas Chinese communities worldwide; (7) Donations from foreign friends. He said: At the start of the movement, we announced that we would not accept donations in the name of the government or the ruling party, aiming to maintain the independence of the movement. We have adhered to this principle in the past and will continue to do so. He also pointed out that financial expenditures are fully controlled by the China Spring Finance Group. The principle of expenditure is to ensure three guarantees: (1) guarantee the magazine’s funding; (2) Ensure a certain amount of funding for the Hong Kong liaison station; (3) Ensure a certain amount of domestic activity funding. 5. Future tasks. (1) Adhere to an independent stance and maintain an independent image. (2) Enrich theory, consolidate the rear, support the front lines, and advance the main battlefield. Strengthening the theory means continuing to run the “China Spring” magazine well, translating key articles into English for publication, and delivering the magazine to international students, CCP overseas offices, and key domestic units. Consolidating the rear includes continuing to expand the organization, gathering talent, strengthening organizational development, and improving various systems. Expand sources of revenue. All levels of institutions within the Democracy Movement must comply with the laws of their respective countries and regions. Seek international support. Supporting the frontline means doing Hong Kong and Macau work well, improving the Hong Kong and Macau liaison stations, and integrating them with the democratic movement of Hong Kong and Macau compatriots. The main battlefield for advancing the “China Spring Democratic Movement” is centered on mainland China, which requires us: (1) actively carry out work among international students and visiting scholars in mainland China; (2) Actively carry out work among overseas Chinese and scholars returning home to visit relatives, travel, lecture, settle, and engage in other activities; (3) Actively working in mainland Chinese delegations visiting relatives abroad; (4) Foreign friends who freely enter and exit mainland China are invited to assist; (5) Utilize all channels of contact with mainland China to bring back the concepts of “freedom and democracy and the concept of rule of law and human rights.” (See Wang Bingzhang, Issue 10 of ‘China Spring’: ‘One-Year Summary and Future Tasks of the Democratic Movement of the Chinese Spring.’) ”)
On December 29, the congress passed the “Charter of the China Democratic Unity Alliance,” officially renaming the “China Spring Democratic Movement” to the “China Democratic Unity Alliance,” abbreviated as “China Democratic League.” The charter is divided into three parts: 1. General Guidelines, 2. Members, 3. Organization. The “General Guidelines” propose the purpose of the “China Democratic League” as: “This alliance is based on independence and autonomy, uniting all democratic forces (including the Kuomintang and Communist Party and other parties) to fundamentally reform China’s current autocratic system and realize democracy, rule of law, freedom, and human rights.” “The main political and economic positions of this alliance at this stage are: abolishing one-party dictatorship, achieving democracy and rule of law, safeguarding private property rights, and promoting diversified economies.” “The current focus of this alliance is to promote the democratic movement in mainland China. The recent goal is: to abolish the ‘Four Upholds’ in the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China, release all arrested dissidents, strive for the publication and distribution of dissenting private newspapers and periodicals in mainland China, and advocate for the free election of people’s representatives at all levels.” “This alliance strives for the peaceful reunification of China. China’s reunification requires broad participation from political forces other than the Kuomintang and the Communist Party and at the people’s level, and no political party can handle it.” The “Mengyuan” section stipulates the rights and obligations of members. In the “Organization” section, it stipulates that minorities obey the majority, respect minority opinions, allow dissenting opinions, and establish organizational structures, namely four levels: headquarters, branches, branches, and groups, with higher authorities coordinating lower levels and election rules: “The highest coordinating body of the alliance is the headquarters committee, composed of the chairman, vice chairmen (1–2), and several members.” The term of office for headquarters committee members is tentatively set at two years, with consecutive elections, but the chairperson position is limited to no more than two consecutive terms. A “Supervisory Committee” was established to oversee and balance the work of the headquarters committee. There are also regulations on procedures such as recall. (See the tenth issue of ‘China Spring’, ‘Charter of the China Democratic United Alliance’
).The “First World Congress of the China Spring” elected the leadership members of the “China Democratic League,” namely:
Chairman: Wang Bingzhang. Vice Chairperson: Wang Min. Alliance Standing Committee Members: Wang Bingzhang, Wang Min, Wu Jianxiang, Lin Qiaoqing, Yao Yueqian, Nan Ming, Feng Bin, Cai Xiaojian, Liu Wanzhen. Alliance members: Shao Jun, Wang Bingzhang, Yin Zhongguang, Ximin, Sha Lin, Wang Min, Li Guopeng, Wu Huanzhang, Wu Jianxiang, Lin Musen, Lin Qiaoqing, Ma Ting, Jin Ling, Yiwen, Wu Wei, Nan Ming, Yao Yueqian, Guo Xiaozuo, Chen Guang, Gao Chunni, Xue Wei, Yang Yun, Yang Shixin, Liang Weibao, Feng Bin, Zhang Xiang, Cai Xiaojian, Liu Zisang. The alliance’s supervisory committee members are: Wang Yang, Li Ran, and Li Yi’e (one each from Japan and Hong Kong).
Theconvening of the “First World Congress of the China Spring” marked the founding of the “China Democratic Federation” and marked a new stage for the overseas mainland Chinese democracy movement.
Regarding the specific circumstances of the“First Congress,” Chen Xue, a representative of the “First Congress,” had a vivid and vivid memory. He wrote: “In a small apartment run by a remote compatriot in New York, upstairs, downstairs, living room, and kitchen, friends from five continents and four oceans sat close together, slept together, and supported and cared for each other on stormy nights.” Though strangers, they feel like old friends at first sight. After a heartfelt conversation, they become close friends and lifelong companions. On New Year’s Eve, apartment owners donated dumplings without a single meal. As everyone sang song after song like ‘On the Songhua River,’ they poured out tears of homesickness, patriotism in anger, and reverence for Washington, Jefferson, Rousseau, and other founders of democratic systems and ideas, all blending together into a mighty wave. The “First Congress” was held in a tight, tense, and enthusiastic atmosphere. The first day of the meeting was about to take place when the venue was suddenly rescheduled. The reason was that someone called the police, saying it was a violent terrorist group holding a meeting and demanding police come to crack it down. So, the delegates immediately got up and moved to another venue. At the entrance of the venue, a burly Black man was hired as the gatekeeper, which was quite interesting. The debates at the meeting were extremely intense, focusing on violent revolution and peaceful reform over the line, party politics and pressure groups at the organizational level, democracy and autocracy over work style, as well as personnel disputes and financial disputes. This shows that these issues have been entangled in the organization since its inception…… Regarding the naming of this organization, there was heated debate over naming it “China Spring” or adopting a different name. In the end, the minority obeyed the majority, using the group name “China Democratic Unity League” and “China Spring” as the magazine name. (See “China Spring” Issue 116, Chen Xue, “Rationality · Purification · Solidity”) Let the mainland Chinese government and people recognize and understand the “China Democratic League
.”
Shortly after the First National Congress was held, news came that Chinese Premier Zhao Ziyang was visiting the United States.
The “China Democratic League Headquarters” held an emergency meeting, believing that during Zhao Ziyang’s visit to the U.S., the focus of American public opinion and public topics would once again shift to mainland China. This was a good opportunity, as various political forces related to China would use it to express their political positions and intentions, and through mass media, society could gain a deeper understanding of itself. Especially the newly established “China Democratic League” needed to express its aspirations to the top levels of the Communist Party. Therefore, the headquarters mobilized within the league to actively participate in the “Welcome Zhao Ziyang’s visit to the United States and express our wishes to the top leadership of the Communist Party.”
They first drafted the “Open Letter from the China Democratic Solidarity League to Premier Zhao Ziyang,” in which the “China Democratic Alliance” stated: “We welcome Zhao Ziyang’s visit to the United States of America,” introduced the newly established “China Democratic Alliance” and its mission to Zhao Ziyang, and put forward four demands to the Chinese Communist Party: First, according to the provisions on freedom of association in the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China, the “China Democratic Alliance” must be legally registered in mainland China; 2. According to the provisions on press freedom under the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China, China Spring magazine is required to be legally registered, published, and distributed in mainland China; 3. Demanding the release of all dissidents imprisoned in mainland China; 4. Request to meet and discuss with the Chinese delegation led by Zhao Ziyang. (See “China Spring” issue 10, “Open Letter from the China Democratic League to Premier Zhao Ziyang”).
On the afternoon of January 9, 1984, the day Zhao Ziyang arrived in Washington, the “China Democratic League” held a press conference at the Goran Marshee Hotel, several hundred meters from the Madison Hotel where Zhao Ziyang had fallen. At the meeting, the spokesperson for the “China Democratic League” introduced the “China Spring Democratic Movement” and the newly established “China Democratic League” and the “Open Letter to Zhao Ziyang” distributed by the newly established “China Democratic League.” Attendees included: Chinese Communist Party Xinhua News Agency, Associated Press, United Press International, AFP, American ABC, NBC, The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Washington Times, Long Island News, The Globe and Mail of Canada, Japan’s Yomiuri Shimbun, Sankei Shimbun, Japan’s Sekai Nippo, Taiwan’s CTS, China Times, and others. In the evening, members of the China Democratic League held a petition in front of the Madison Hotel, coinciding with Zhao Ziyang leading a Chinese government delegation into the hotel. Members of the China Democratic League held signs reading “Democracy,” “Rule of Law,” “Freedom,” and “Human Rights,” shouting: “Zhao Ziyang and others, the open letter is yours!” “We want democracy!” and delivered open letters, the magazine ‘China Spring,’ and some promotional materials to certain delegation members. The next day, January 10th, was the day when Premier Zhao Ziyang and President Reagan officially met at the White House. Early in the morning, a prominent slogan was hung in front of the White House in Washington: “Welcome Premier Zhao Ziyang’s visit to the U.S. with the convening of the First World Congress of the Chinese Spring.” Members of the China Democratic Alliance once again held a petition at the main entrance of the White House, while some distributed magazines and leaflets to the Chinese government delegation at the side entrance. Some people also engaged in face-to-face debates and conversations with individual members of the Chinese government delegation and Xinhua reporters. Members of these delegations and journalists said: “We acknowledge that China needs democracy, but you act like this in front of foreigners and disgrace your country.” The ‘China Democratic Federation’ replied, ‘Democracy is not shameful,’ and that leaving the country destitute is the real shame. Democracy knows no borders. That afternoon, two standing committee members from the China Democratic Alliance headquarters—Nan Ming and Wang Bingzhang, mainland Chinese students—were invited to attend a China hearing held at the White House by the Chinese American National Committee of the Republican Party. In their speeches, they outlined the political purpose of the China Alliance and urged the U.S. government to pay attention to human rights issues in mainland China when dealing with the mainland government. On the evening of January 12, there were two banquets in Washington: one was a thank-you banquet hosted by Zhao Ziyang as host, and the other was a welcome banquet hosted by left-wing Chinese to welcome Zhao Ziyang and the mainland Chinese government delegation. Members of the “China Democratic League” once again came outside the banquet hall to petition the Chinese mainland government delegation and distributed propaganda materials.
Of course, the petition activities of the
“China Democratic League” did not receive a response from the CCP, but they achieved the goal of expressing the “China Democratic League” to the CCP leadership, making the Chinese leadership aware of its existence and political positions.
Another important promotional event for the “China Democratic League” and “China Spring” was at the 23rd World Olympic Games held in Los Angeles, USA. To welcome the Chinese mainland Olympic delegation, China Spring magazine published an editorial titled “Welcoming the Cross-Strait Olympic Delegation” in its fourteenth issue. The first group of members of the mainland Chinese delegation arrived in Los Angeles on July 16, 1984. The next day, a flag-raising ceremony was held at the Olympic Village. Due to the strict security measures for the Olympics, members of the China Democratic League were not allowed to enter during the ceremony. However, at the end of the flag-raising ceremony, the mainland Chinese journalist group who had been visiting and taking photos outside the ceremony began to leave. Unexpectedly, not long after leaving, they suddenly ran into Shao Jun, a member of the “China Democratic League Olympic Special Task Force” distributing the magazine “China Spring” magazine and leaflets. Shao Jun proactively greeted them, and although the reporters seemed to avoid him, Shao Jun smiled broadly. Under the “kindness that was hard to refuse,” a person who looked like a responsible person accepted a fourteenth issue of “China Spring.” The “leaders” took the lead, and reporters swarmed forward, competing to ask Shaojun for magazines and flyers. Some even said, “Give me a few more, I still have friends to read.” The ‘leader’ saw the reporters scrambling to get ‘Chinese Spring’ and felt embarrassed, so he said to Shaojun, ‘If you don’t study hard, why are you doing such things?’ Shaojun replied, “I am an international student from the mainland. I studied very well, graduated from a university in North America, and am now a nuclear engineer.” This ‘leader’ was left speechless. After these people received “China Spring,” although a few couples came out to criticize him lightly, most reporters stood aside listening to Shaojun’s lecture and laughed silently, while others busily flipped through magazines. One member of the delegation privately told someone standing nearby who did not reveal his “China Ethnic Alliance” identity: “We have all heard of China Spring in China and know it was started by international students, but we don’t know exactly what they are doing. We really want to use this overseas trip as an opportunity to learn more about China Spring.” During the July 17th contact between the China Democratic League and the mainland Chinese journalist group, Shaojun distributed dozens of issues of the magazine “China Spring.” On July 18, the “China Democratic Alliance Olympic Special Task Force” and the Los Angeles branch led by Wu Fan, Zhang Ai, and others decided to hold a press conference. They published invitations to various Chinese-language newspapers in Los Angeles, and also sent Liu Qiyang and Shaojun to the Holiday Hotel, where the Olympic press corps in mainland China had collapsed, to send an invitation letter to the delegation. However, after consulting higher authorities, they received instructions stating they “could not attend.” Therefore, at the press conference held by the “China Democratic Federation” on the afternoon of July 20, No members of the mainland Chinese Olympic press corps attended. At the meeting, Wang Bingzhang, chairman of the China Democratic League, explained the principles of its activities during the Olympics. He said that the federation welcomes athletes from both sides of the strait to participate in the competitions, and that the federation will actively engage with athletes, staff, and journalists from both sides of the strait, helping compatriots on both sides better understand us and bringing their knowledge of the federation back to the mainland and Taiwan. For this purpose, the federation It will actively create conditions for direct contact between athletes and staff on both sides of the Taiwan Strait, and provide services for athletes from both sides. Regarding China, Wang Bingzhang also pointed out the views of the “China Democratic League”: First, the “China Democratic League” advocates peaceful democratic reunification of China, and China should achieve unification under a democratic constitution; 2. Regarding Deng Xiaoping’s economic reforms, he neither completely denied nor fully affirmed them, but rather “affirmed, criticized, and surpassed Deng Xiaoping.” At noon on July 20th, the second group of Chinese mainland Olympic athletes arrived at Los Angeles Airport. The “China Democracy and Olympic Special Task Force” sent five personnel to greet them at the airport. At that time, reporters from Xinhua News Agency, CCTV, China National Radio, and Sports Daily were also waiting on the helipad. Members of the “China Democratic League” proactively handed them welcome flyers and the magazine “China Spring,” and chatted with them in small groups. At that moment, the Chinese civil aviation plane carrying mainland Chinese athletes slowly landed. Reporters gathered at an entrance where photography was permitted, while Chinese Ambassador to the United States Zhang Wenjin and other officials approached the plane exit to greet the athletes. Two members of the “China Democratic League” took the opportunity to proudly raise the slogans in the group of reporters, “Welcome to China’s Spring!” The slogan was made of white cloth, a banner, and red letters, very conspicuous. Zhang Wenjin suddenly turned around and saw the sign. He was stunned at first, then quickly gave a signal to someone nearby. The person then went to the security guard, pointed at the sign for a long time, and the security staff politely approached the ‘China Democratic League’ members and said this was a place for reporters to take photos, so they could go elsewhere. The ‘China Democratic League’ staff immediately shifted their position and chose to hold the sign directly in front of the athletes’ departure. This place was actually more prominent than the original one. In the days that followed, under the leadership of leaders Lin Qiaoqing and Xue Wei, the “China Democratic Federation Olympic Special Task Force” continued to persistently promote the “China Democratic Federation.” For example, members would drive a tour bus adorned with banners like “China wants democracy” and “Welcome to China Spring” through the streets and alleys of Los Angeles every day, stopping to give speeches wherever Chinese people gathered. Every evening, members would wait at the Chinese athletes’ accommodations, talk with them whenever they met, and give magazines and gifts. At banquets or sports venues, small cards printed with the Democratic Alliance’s messages are often scattered in different corners. The dissemination of information was successful. Almost all athletes or staff from both sides of the Taiwan Strait had more or less interacted with or talked with the Democratic League, and many people, such as famous athletes Li Ning and Zhu Jianhua, had received promotional materials from the “China Democratic League” and small gifts from the “China Democratic League”—a pen engraved with “democracy, rule of law, freedom, human rights.” In addition, the “China Democratic League” provided many services for Chinese athletes, such as transportation, translation, photography, and relays. Among them, league member Lin Qiaoqing served as an English translator for high jumper Zhu Jianhua during an invitational event organized by St. Anthony College on the eve of the Olympics, enabling him to smoothly handle interviews with foreign journalists.
In order to help the mainland Chinese government and people get to know and understand the “China Democratic League,” the “China Democratic Federation” never gave up any opportunity to engage with them. For example, on November 11, 1984, the “China Democratic League Headquarters” sent Wang Bingzhang, Lin Qiaoqing, Xue Wei, Liu Gang, and others to attend a China Unification Discussion Symposium organized by the American Asian Society at Princeton University in New Jersey. At the meeting, they engaged in close combat with Li Shenzhi, director of the Institute of American Studies at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, who invited the United States and Taiwanese scholars came to Beijing for a meeting but did not utter a single word about the “China Democratic League.” Wang Bingzhang stood up and spoke. Among the people invited by Director Li should also be the “China Democratic Federation.” The Beijing government is currently vigorously promoting “One Country, Two Systems,” but it cannot tolerate even “China Spring,” nor the international students it sent to promote reform. If the first class of China Spring is labeled as counterrevolutionaries, how can people trust its united front sincerity? Does it make people believe in the guarantee of “One Country, Two Systems”? His speech was met with several rounds of enthusiastic applause. On April 21, 1985, Peng Zhen, Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress of mainland China, visited Japan. During this period, the “Japan Branch of the China Democratic League” distributed the “Open Letter from the Japan Branch of the China Democratic League to Chairman Peng Zhen” to the Chinese Embassy in Japan, official institutions and organizations of mainland China in Japan, mainland Chinese students from various universities, and the Japanese press. From the 22nd to the 24th, a propaganda vehicle of a certain Japanese political group was used, with hanging messages reading “China wants democracy, rule of law, freedom, and human rights!” “He gave promotional speeches in downtown Tokyo and near the Chinese Embassy in Japan. On July 22, 1985, Chinese President Li Xiannian made a ten-day visit to the United States, accompanied by Vice Premier Li Peng and Director of the General Office of the CPC Central Committee, Wang Zhaoguo. On the afternoon of the 22nd, the China Democratic League held a press conference in Washington, distributing an open letter addressed to Chairman Li Xiannian, and then went to the Madison Hotel where Li Xiannian had fallen, where they held a petition and march. On the morning of the 23rd, President Reagan held talks with Li Xiannian at the White House, and the “China Democratic League” petition march moved to the main entrance of the White House. On the afternoon of the 23rd and the morning of the 24th, the headquarters of the “China Ethnic Federation” dispatched a flexible small team to follow the route of Li Xiannian’s delegation’s visits and visits, taking every opportunity to contact the delegation members and distribute the “China Spring” magazine and promotional materials to them.
On April 28, 1986, a delegation from the People’s Congress of mainland China, led by Panchen Lama and Peng Chong, visited Australia for the first time. The “Australia Branch of the China Democratic Alliance” printed a special promotional magazine in both Chinese and English and wrote an open letter addressed to Peng Chong and Panchen Lama, widely mailed and distributed to relevant organizations, institutions, and people from all walks of life. In mid-June 1986, Hu Yaobang, General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee, visited European countries such as the UK, France, and Germany. The “Paris Branch of the China Democratic League” and the “West Germany Liaison Station” also distributed open letters addressed to Hu Yaobang to various sectors, demanding the release of political prisoners, restoration of the Democracy Wall, and permission for dissenting political groups to legally carry out various activities in mainland China. On May 21, 1987, an educational delegation of nine led by He Dongchang, Vice Chairman of the National Education Commission of mainland China, arrived in San Francisco. Members of the “San Francisco Branch of the China Democratic League” distributed the “China Spring Newsletter” to them. On September 9, 1987, under the leadership of Wang Renzhong, the delegation from the Chinese mainland People’s Congress visited Vancouver. The “China Democratic League Vancouver Liaison Station” actively carried out activities, using various possible opportunities to contact the delegation and successfully delivered fourteen copies of “China Spring” magazine to every member of the delegation, including the delegation leader Wang Renzhong, deputy leader Wang Hanbin, and Huanxiang. He also held seminars with mainland Chinese students, gave lectures at various universities, and participated in research and discussion sessions on China. Due to the frequent frequency of these events, they will not be listed here. In summary, the headquarters of the “China Democratic Federation” and its branches, branches, and liaison stations worldwide. They paid great attention to seizing every opportunity, actively and proactively promoting and spreading the influence of the “China Democratic Federation” and their political views.
Tell the world the fact that the CCP persecutes dissenters
“Releasing all arrested dissidents” is one of the “recent goals” stipulated in the “China Democratic League Charter” (see “China Spring” Issue 10: “China Democratic League Constitution”). Since its founding, they have placed great importance on this work, leveraging its favorable overseas conditions to continuously gather the true situation of the CCP’s persecution of dissidents, disseminating it worldwide to call for international attention to CCP human rights issues.
March 29, 1984, marked the fifth anniversary of the arrest of Wei Jingsheng, a famous pro-democracy activist in mainland China. In its twelfth issue, China Spring magazine published a commemorative special issue, which not only reprinted Wei Jingsheng’s famous big-character poster “The Fifth Modernization—Democracy and Others” posted on Beijing’s “Democracy Wall” on December 5, 1978, but also featured articles by our magazine’s commentators titled “Wei Jingsheng’s Historical Status” and Ai Ziyou’s “What crime did Wei Jingsheng commit?” In the article “Wei Jingsheng’s Historical Status,” The author points out: “Wei Jingsheng was the first to confront Deng Xiaoping’s ‘Four Modernizations’ and put forward the slogan ‘Fifth Modernization—Democratic Political Modernization.’ This is a groundbreaking slogan…… It can be forever recorded in history as a milestone in the democratic political process of mainland China. Ai Ziyou’s article “What crime did Wei Jingsheng commit?” refuted the Beijing Intermediate People’s Court’s arbitrary and unreasonable sentence of fifteen years in prison. He wrote: “If we further investigate the root cause of Wei Jingsheng’s arrest, we will discover even more tragic facts.” That is, Deng Xiaoping’s faction used the democratic movement at the time to seize power from the opposition within the Party (the Fan faction)…… When they came to power, democratic ideology became the greatest threat to the authoritarian regime, so they adopted measures to suppress the democratic movement…… This is the real reason Wei Jingsheng and thousands of other pro-democracy activists are being persecuted. “In the same album, it also reported on a joint campaign in Paris launched and participated in by the “European Branch of the China Democratic League,” the “Wei Jingsheng Rescue Committee,” the “Alliance for the Protection of Human Rights,” the “International Association for the Defense of Literary and Art Movements,” and the “World Anti-Oppression Organization,” in Paris to rescue Wei Jingsheng and all imprisoned pro-democracy activists and political prisoners. At 6 p.m. on March 29, about seventy protesters gathered on Rue George V, not far from the Chinese Embassy in France. Most of them were French, including Sinologists, writers, university students, and Ms. Lin Xiling, a renowned democracy activist from mainland China. She also participated and spoke. First, the protesters imitated the “Xidan Democracy Wall” from the “Beijing Spring” period, building a “democracy wall” two meters high and eight meters long from forty large cardboard boxes, then covered it with various large and small “big-character posters,” “small posters,” and slogans such as “Release Wei Jingsheng,” “Release all political prisoners,” and “Demand democracy and freedom.” Just as the “Democracy Wall” was being built, the protests had just begun when suddenly dark clouds gathered and storms arose. At first, the “Democracy Wall” swayed in the wind and rain, but the protesters linked arms and stood shoulder to shoulder, protecting the “Democracy Wall,” ensuring it was never destroyed by the storm. After the rain stopped, each organization sent a representative to form a delegation, and under Lin Xiling’s leadership, they went to the Chinese Embassy in France to submit a protest. Despite repeated strong demands from the protesters, the embassy staff ignored them and kept the doors tightly shut.
On August 7, 1984, the “China Democratic League” sent four representatives—Wang Min, Wu Jianxiang, Nan Ming, and Shao Jun—to the Chinese Embassy in the United States in Washington, D.C. to submit documents such as the “Application for the Registration and Publication of ‘China Spring’ magazine in mainland China” and the “Open Letter to the Government of the People’s Republic of China requesting a special pardon for all detained pro-democracy activists and political prisoners.” The embassy then sent first-class secretary Sun Zhaoyong and an official named Wu Hongqiao to meet with representatives of the “China Democratic League.” In the “Open Letter,” the “China Democratic League” pointed out: “October 1st this year marks the 35th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China. The mass democratic group China Democratic Unity Alliance, founded by Chinese students, earnestly hopes the Chinese government will follow the Polish government’s example and grant amnesty to all detained pro-democracy activists and political prisoners on the eve of October 1st.” Although the Chinese government accepted the documents from the ‘China Alliance for Democracy,’ its demands for the ‘Alliance’ disappeared without a trace.
In December 1984, the magazine “China Spring” published a commemorative column for Wang Shenyou in its eighteenth issue. Wang Shenyou was a pro-democracy fighter in Shanghai. On September 10, 1976, he was arrested by the Shanghai Public Security Bureau and sentenced to death on April 27, 1977. An outstanding young man who was deeply concerned for his country fell into a pool of blood for justice. The column features Wang Shenyou’s ‘handwritten confession’ from prison and Ms. Lin Xiling’s article titled ‘A Sword Thrown Against Autocracy.’ She points out: ‘Not long ago, a major injustice case in the style of Zhang Zhixin was discovered in Shanghai. A graduate student from East China Normal University named Wang Shenyou was a very brave, upright, and talented young intellectual…… He was arrested for many years and was eventually executed by firing squad. …… Yet such a timeless and innocent massacre is still being covered by the CCP, refusing to publicly redress or reveal the truth—who can bear that? What is unbearable? I strongly demand that the CCP publicly disclose the truth of Wang Shenyou’s wrongful case and the full text of Wang Shenyou’s “handwritten confession” in prison, and severely punish the murderer. ”
In 1985, in its 25th issue, China Spring magazine published another editorial titled “Why Huang Xian Can Release Wei Jingsheng Instead of Him,” calling on the CCP authorities to release Wei Jingsheng. In February of the following year, China Spring published a commentary article stating: “For the Chinese people to truly enjoy full freedom and human rights, they must not only dismantle the unreasonable birdcages imposed by the CCP’s various restrictions, but also demand the right to protect their own rights and the power to supervise and stop any infringement of their rights.” It is not enough for the people to hold only an olive branch; they must also hold bows and arrows; otherwise, they are like birds in a cage, helpless when violated. “(See Commentator on ‘Birdcage Human Rights’ in Issue 32 of ‘China Spring’) On October 10, 1985, thanks to the efforts of individuals and organizations in the U.S. Congress concerned about human rights in mainland China, and encouraged by groups such as the China Democratic League, the U.S. Congress held a “Human Rights Hearing on Mainland China” in the lobby on the first floor of the House of Representatives Raybang Building. The meeting was supported by Congressman Soraz, Chair of the Asia-Pacific Group, delivered a speech by Yatron, Chair of the Human Rights — International Organizations Group, and attended by several members of Congress or officials. Three renowned China experts—Harding, Qiu Hongda, and Li Anyou—delivered speeches. Wang Bingzhang, chairman of the China Democratic Federation, along with members Wu Jun, Huang Ben, and Zong Jixiang, also attended the hearing, where a document was distributed briefly listing ten violations of fundamental human rights in mainland China. In November 1985, with the adventurous assistance of a pro-democracy activist working in Beijing’s public security system, the “China Democratic League” obtained an 110,000-character article titled “My Defense” written by the famous mainland Chinese pro-democracy activist Xu Wenli in prison. China Spring magazine decided to serialize it starting from issue 37 and published an article by the editorial department, once again strongly urging the CCP to immediately release all detained political prisoners and revise the Criminal Code to abolish the crime of “counter-revolutionary.” Requires the law enforcement departments of the Communist Party of China not to violate the provisions of the Criminal Procedure Law or to amend the “Regulations on Penalties for Social Security Management.” ”
January 7, 1986. Ji Pengfei, Vice Chairman of the National People’s Congress of mainland China, visited Hong Kong. The “Hong Kong branch of the China Democratic Federation” and local local organizations gathered at the entrance of Xinhua News Agency’s Hong Kong branch to hold a petition demonstration, demanding the release of Hong Kong pro-democracy activist Liu Shanqing. On February 24, 1986, the “China Democratic League Vancouver Branch in Canada” sent a letter to Canadian Prime Minister Mulronney, asking him to pay attention to human rights issues in mainland China during his visit in May that year. On April 17, on the eve of his visit, Mulroney formally replied to the “Vancouver Branch of the China Democratic League Canada,” expressing his concern about human rights in mainland China. Prime Minister Marroney said: “Before I set out for China, I was pleased to hear the views of the Vancouver branch of the China National Democratic League on this issue (note: human rights issues in mainland China)…… Affirming human rights and fundamental freedoms is the foundation of any civilized and benevolent society. We remain convinced that upholding internationally recognized human rights standards is an important factor in improving international understanding and strengthening bilateral relations. Members of the international community have no doubts about this serious issue, and based on this, our government respects human and civil rights…… Please believe that Canada will continue to closely monitor the human rights situation in the People’s Republic of China. (See Issue 38 of ‘China Spring’: ‘Development of Democracy Movements at Home and Abroad and Recent Activities of the China Democratic Federation.’) On May 28, 1986, the East Asian Human Rights Association, the Chinese Association for Human Rights, and the China Democratic League issued a joint statement regarding the brutal abuse suffered by the CCP in prison against the famous pro-democracy fighter Xu Liwen, demanding that the CCP restore Xu’s family’s right to visit and communicate in prison, and to guarantee his health, oppose coercion, confession, and letters. Because Xu Wenli’s prison memoirs were published in China Spring, they attracted international attention. Amnesty International published excerpts and published them. At a press conference held by the Beijing Ministry of Foreign Affairs, AFP reporters specifically questioned the CCP about Xu Wen’s case. On May 9, 1986, Larry Cooks, General Secretary of the Secretariat of Amnesty International, sent an urgent telegram to Premier Zhao Ziyang regarding the brutal abuse Xu Wenli suffered in prison, demanding his unconditional release. On June 9th, Ms. Rajuqi, the Asian representative of Amnesty International, a two-time Nobel Peace Prize laureate and headquartered in London, visited the headquarters of the China Democratic Alliance. During the meeting, Wang Bingzhang expressed gratitude for Amnesty International’s consistent focus on human rights in China. Ms. Razuqi stated that the “China Alliance” is the first group organized by mainland Chinese people to strive for human rights in mainland China, and its work is of great significance. She expressed her gratitude to the “China Alliance for Democracy” Despite extremely difficult conditions, they appreciate the continuous acquisition of first-hand domestic information, and both sides have decided to strengthen cooperation in the future.
During this period, the China Democratic Alliance did a great deal of work to improve human rights in mainland China and release all arrested dissidents. Although their efforts did not ease the human rights situation in mainland China in the slightest, their extensive international publicity put considerable pressure on the CCP regime.
Advancing toward the “main battlefield” of mainland China
The “Charter of the China Democratic League” adopted on December 29, 1982, stated: “The current focus of this alliance’s work is to promote the democratic movement in mainland China.” Therefore, the China Democratic Alliance has always regarded mainland China as the “main battlefield,” making relentless efforts to fundamentally reform the current autocratic system and achieve “democracy, rule of law, freedom, and human rights.”
However, when it comes tonarrating history, I still face great difficulties. This is because mainland China is still under the dark iron curtain of CCP authoritarianism. To ensure the safety of mainland mass movement organizations, it is impossible to truly reflect the full extent of the ‘China Democratic League’ advancing toward the ‘main battlefield.’ Here, I can only illustrate using some publicly available examples.
On March 5, 1984, shortly after the first Congress of the “China Democratic Federation” was established, the underground mainland Chinese pro-democracy publication “Wild Grass” wrote a letter to “China Spring” and had someone deliver the letter along with the January and February 1984 issues of “Wild Grass” magazine. The letter stated: “We received the letter from January 21 (referring to the letter from China Spring). We have already learned that the first World Congress of the China Spring was held, and the democratic movement has taken another step forward. We are truly pleased.” They have written a magnificent chapter in modern Chinese history, and the comrades of ‘Wild Grass’ have become even more confident about China’s future. “After receiving the letter, the editorial department immediately reprinted the letter and several articles from the January and February 1984 issues of “Wild Grass” in issue 13 of “China Spring,” and published an editorial titled “Learning the ‘Wild Grass’ Spirit and Enduring the Test of Low Tides.” The editorial stated, “The Wild Grass Editorial Group is just one of many domestic pro-democracy groups that maintain regular contact with the China Democratic Federation.” Since the launch of the China Spring movement and the establishment of the China Democratic Federation, we have set up liaison stations or locations in Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, Nanjing, Shenyang, Zhejiang, Sichuan, Jiangxi, and other places. Where conditions are ripe, we have set up domestic branches. Under strong political pressure, domestic comrades broke through tight blockades and often brought us inspiring news and valuable materials. A coordinated structure of pro-democracy groups operating domestically and internationally is taking shape. “We must learn the spirit of their publication’s name, ‘Wild Grass.’ Wild grass, when conditions are right, can grow strongly, and when the harsh winter arrives, it stores energy in its roots and preserves its strength.” Wildfires cannot burn it all, but with the spring breeze, it grows again. ‘This is the best praise for the wild grass spirit.’ ”
On July 12, 1984, and August 1, 1984, the editorial department of China Spring received letters from mainland Chinese folk magazines “Nameless Grass” and “Wild Grass · Di.” The letter from ‘Nameless Grass’ stated: “Although the domestic democracy movement is currently in a seemingly low tide, many nameless grassroots continue to fight in various forms. ‘China Spring’ brings hope to the domestic democracy movement.” “Nameless Grass” is an occasional publication in China that continues to persist in striving. All our members wish to be loyal friends of the ‘China Democratic Federation.’ “Wild Grass·Di” wrote in a letter: “From Brother Chen, I learned about the recent development of China Spring. The development of China Spring into the China Democratic Federation marks the further organization and politicization of Chinese democracy movements at home and abroad, and we are very pleased…… Thank you for your concern for our safety. Although the environment is harsh and “Wild Grass” is difficult to publish regularly, I will do my best to write about your topic and do my best to provide you with articles…… Finally, I hope the passion ignited by the Chinese Spring, filtered through time, will settle in you as a kind of historical resolve, ready to face all setbacks and victories ……” (see Issue 17 of “Chinese Spring”).
In the processof transporting the famous pro-democracy activist Xu Wenli’s “Prison Notes—My Defense,” the close relationship and cooperation between underground pro-democracy organizations or activists active in mainland China and the “China Democratic Federation” are also demonstrated. Wang Bingzhang wrote in his article “Taking Up Xu Wenli’s Torch”: “The original manuscript of Xu Wenli’s prison memoirs broke through the impregnable Beijing First Prison, evaded the strict inspection of Chinese customs, crossed the ocean, and was transferred to the headquarters of the Chinese Democratic League in New York.” I held the sky-blue plastic cover in my hand, with Xu Wenli’s 110,000-word handwritten notebook inside. It really felt like it weighed a thousand pounds! Xu Wenli’s prison manuscript ‘My Defense’ was completed on December 7 last year and has never found a suitable opportunity to be released. When the headquarters of the China Democratic League learned of this precious document from domestic connections, they made thorough plans. From the moment the operational plan began, I have been concerned day and night about the safety of the personnel carrying out the mission. Having fought through the Communist Party’s political campaigns, we deeply understand what the consequences will be for those involved—if we’re not careful. More than two months passed, and when I heard the report over the long-distance phone call that ‘the items have been safely transferred,’ a weight finally lifted from my heart. Through the witty and decisive actions of the pro-democracy fighters, Xu Liwen’s wish to reveal the truth of his case to the world was finally realized. (See Issue 30 of ‘Spring in China
‘).Because the “China Democratic League” has established secret contact points in many regions of mainland China, no matter the difficult or dangerous conditions, they can obtain a wealth of first-hand materials and information. For example, “China Spring” provided valuable information to the domestic “Liu Ping” group, and the Beijing Alliance 303 group provided “several comparative statements” and “materials on certain theoretical issues” in confidential CCP documents. During the 1985 “September 18th Democratic Movement” at Peking University, The ‘China Democratic League’ obtained transcripts of the actual situation at the time and the large-character posters on campus. On November 5, 1986, the mass student march in Changsha, Hunan, and the university movement in Beijing and nationwide on December 9, especially during the latter student movement, the ‘China Democratic League’ not only obtained authentic materials about the Tiananmen march at Peking University (see Long Qiuyao’s ‘Peking University Students’ New Year’s Day Tiananmen Parade’ documentary in issue 52 of ‘China Spring’), but also wrote online reports from major cities nationwide (see ‘China Spring’). In issue 44, our reporter Zhou Chunqing’s “The mainland democracy movement rises, a storm sweeps across the country.” This report truthfully reflected the student movement situation at the time at Anhui Hefei University of Science and Technology, Wuhan University, Anhui University, Peking University, Shenzhen University, Hunan Normal University, Hunan University, Sichuan University, Tongji University, East China Normal University, Jiaotong University, Fudan University, Yunnan University, Yunnan Minzu University, and Guangzhou Sun Yat-sen University. Among these student movements, the “China Democratic Federation” played a catalytic role. The article states: “In the process of spreading ideas on freedom, democracy, human rights, rule of law, and pluralism in China, the magazine ‘China Spring’ and the ‘China Spring’ newsletter published by the China Democratic Federation have undoubtedly played a significant role.” According to statistics from the headquarters of the China Democratic League, currently, among mainland Chinese students and visiting scholars studying in the U.S., there is on average one China Spring magazine out of every four or five people. China Spring magazine has become the most widely circulated and discussed Chinese publication among mainland Chinese students studying in the United States. After returning to China, international students and visiting scholars introduced the China Spring and the China Democratic League to colleagues, classmates, and family and friends. As for the ‘China Spring Newsletter,’ tens of thousands of copies enter the mainland every month through various channels. In both Wuhan and Hefei, China Spring magazines were secretly circulating. Liberal arts students from Wuhan University and Anhui University went to great lengths to get magazines like “China Spring” and “Zhengming” brought from Hong Kong. A university student who has read China Spring magazine said that although the magazine he saw was very worn out, someone with intentions had patched the torn cover with paper, and the contents were still well preserved. ”
The “China Democratic League Headquarters” was cautious and cautious, yet at the same time very proactive and continuously mobilized or dispatched a group of overseas students and overseas Chinese members back to mainland China, playing a certain role in advancing the democracy movement in mainland China. These actions were all secret, but for certain members whose identities could be made public, China Spring magazine also selectively reported on them. For example, issues 41 and 43 of China Spring reported on the return of Democratic League members Huang Ben and Zhang Xia. The activities of the “China Democratic League” in mainland China have aroused extreme vigilance from the CCP authorities. In May 1987, the “China Democratic League” obtained a top-secret document from the Fuzhou Public Security Bureau, which read: “Upon receiving notification from the Ministry of Public Security, it has recently been found that the Hong Kong branch of the China Democratic League has sent personnel into the country, distributing or mailing leaflets titled ‘Statement Supporting the Mainland Students’ Democratic Movement.’” The ‘statement’ incited claims like: ‘The people will not endure authoritarian rule forever,’ and ‘Our China Democratic League (Hong Kong) firmly supports students in the mainland,’ and so on. The signature reads ‘China Democratic League (Hong Kong)’. There were two types of leaflets with the same content, available in both 8mo and 16mo format, both printed in lead. All localities are advised to pay attention: once any flyers are found, they will be confiscated and confiscated, monitoring will be strengthened, and the situation will be promptly reported to the municipal bureau. This shows that the ‘China Democratic League’s’ pro-democracy campaign in mainland China has already been effective.
The mostillustrative case of the “China Democratic Federation” members returning to China to participate in and promote the democratic movement is the arrest of Yang Wei. Yang Wei, a member of the “China Ethnic Federation,” was born in Shanghai in 1955. He graduated from the Department of Biology at Fudan University in Shanghai in 1981. In 1983, he self-funded his own scholarship to study in the United States, earning a master’s degree in molecular biology from the University of Arizona. He returned to China in May 1986 and immediately joined the student movement, participating in and supporting the “December 19” Shanghai student demonstration. On January 11, 1987, he was secretly arrested in Shanghai. According to the indictment issued by the Shanghai People’s Procuratorate branch against Yang Wei, “The defendant Yang Wei While studying in the United States, in the summer of 1985, he joined the reactionary organization ‘China Democratic Unity Alliance,’ which aimed to ‘abolish the Four Upholds in the People’s Republic of China’ and ‘fundamentally change China’s current autocratic system,’ using pen names such as Sangzi and Sangyang. He published multiple reactionary articles in the reactionary publication ‘China Spring’ organized by the ‘China Democratic Federation.’ It claimed to ‘challenge the absolute authority of the CCP and its four principles,’ ‘create opportunities,’ ‘carry out a democratic coup,’ and ‘incite the overthrow of the people’s democratic dictatorship and the socialist system.’ In December 1986, while in Shanghai, defendant Yang Wei took advantage of a minority of local student disturbances to collect information from People’s Square, Jiaotong University, Tongji University, Medical University, and other institutions, and submitted it to the headquarters of the China Democratic Federation…… On December 26, 1986, defendant Yang Wei went to Fudan University, posting reactionary slogans under the names of the “China Democratic Federation” and “China Spring,” putting forward reactionary slogans to ‘fully support’ and ‘fully solidify’ the troublesome students. On December 30, 1986, defendant Yang Wei received a letter of support and suggestions personally written by the head of the headquarters of the ‘China Democratic Federation’ titled ‘A Letter of Support and Suggestions to Domestic College Students on the Goals and Strategies of the Democracy Movement.’ …… He instigated Yang Wei to distribute this ‘letter of support and suggestions,’ and also demanded that Yang “quickly gather details of this university student movement, inform us in time, and specify a direct contact address.” The next day, Yang copied this ‘letter of support and suggestions’ and distributed them to Chen in Beijing and Shi in Guangzhou, instructing them to ‘recopy, reprint, post, and continue to widely disseminate them’…… During this period, defendant Yang Wei also wrote leaflets about the reactionary program of the ‘China Democratic League,’ but was not distributed because they were promptly seized by the public security authorities. Whether the prosecutions and judgments by Shanghai’s Communist Party procuratorial and law enforcement departments are fair is not discussed here, but Yang Wei himself fully acknowledges the facts. This fully reflects the efforts of the China Democratic League in carrying out and promoting democratic movements in mainland China. Yang Wei did not commit a crime; he exercised the rights that a citizen should enjoy, yet he was sentenced to two years in prison by the Shanghai Intermediate People’s Court.
It is precisely because the “China Democratic League” continues to advance toward the “main battlefield” that the CCP has caused considerable panic and alarmed the highest levels of CCP power. As early as 1982, when the “China Spring” movement had just begun, Deng Xiaoping spoke at the Central Work Conference, saying: We have a student named Wang Bingzhang, who organized the “China Spring” in the United States to promote capitalism. Later, he criticized “Chinese Spring” on various occasions. Especially at the Sixth Plenary Session of the Tenth Central Committee held on September 12, 1986, Deng Xiaoping gave a speech on “Opposing Bourgeois Liberalization,” in which he said: “Opposing bourgeois liberalization, I have spoken the most and have been most persistent…… Currently, among the masses (including young people), there is a current of thought that is liberalization…… In fact, this liberalization is about guiding China’s current policies onto the path of capitalism…… Wei Jingsheng, Wang Bingzhang, and Guo Luoji were all representatives of this ideological movement…… “From this it is clear that the influence of the “China Democratic League” in mainland China was growing larger, to the point that Deng Xiaoping had to give a speech at the CCP Congress to warn the CCP to be vigilant.